_Abstract: This text reflects the oral conclusions presented at the end of the EGPL reunion in September 2021. Given the broad variety of topics touched by the different speakers, these conclusions deal in particular with two questions: the legal problems posed by the practice of triage (i.e. selecting which patients can be attended when not all of them can be treated) and the ambiguities of the ‘state’ as guarantor of last resort. The conclusions also include a reference to their author’s professional experience during the pandemic.
Purpose: The COVID-19 pandemic caused the need to apply specific legal structures relating to the separation of healthy and sick persons in order to prevent the spread of the virus, which has an extremely strong impact on Polish society, as well as on other European societies, which shows that these regulations are worth analysing.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The publication uses research methods characteristic of the social sciences, including the dogmatic method focusing on the analysis of the legal text and the analytical method relating to the results of analyses and scientific research.
Findings: The Polish legislator is looking for the right balance between the effective use of the separation of persons who have been exposed to the SARS-CoV-2 virus in order to counteract the spread of the virus and the severe social and economic consequences relating primarily to the mental health problems of persons in separation. In this case, social problems emerge, including family problems (including, in extreme cases, the intensification of domestic violence), as well as problems affecting entrepreneurs who are struggling with lower labour productivity in those industries where remote work has so far been unheard of (e.g. public services) and paralysis of the work system due to sickness of employees and sanitary restrictions.
Practical Implications: The analysis showed that frequent changes to the rules of quarantine and isolation, as well as the introduction of non-legal terms such as ‘self-isolation’, result in confusion and feelings of insecurity for both employees and employers. The ineffective health monitoring system of the persons in separation also causes a significant social problem related to the prolonged isolation of persons who qualify for return to normal activity in the community.
Originality/Value: The study presents an original approach to the problem of quarantine and isolation, not only in terms of legislative changes introduced during the pandemic and their consequences for Polish society, but indicates also problems of a universal nature, occurring in all separated persons, regardless of the legal system that regulates the principles of this isolation.
European Review of Public Law_ _Abstract: The global health emergency caused by Covid-19 urged States to find new ways of protecting their citizens and regulating their lives, to cooperate with each other, to change priorities on their political agendas. Probably, the pandemic will change the course of history. The pandemic woke up the State from its ‘dormant’ status. The State is regaining an important and major role as guarantor of last resort, especially in the fields where the European Union (at this stage of European integration) does not and cannot act as such: external security, internal security and public order, safety of its citizens, State economic interests in the so-called ‘strategic’ sectors. It may be questioned if the role of the State as guarantor of last instance is unchallengeable, or if the European Union may, little by little, acquire such a role. Although this would be advisable, at this stage of European integration the State remains the guarantor of last instance, for at least three reasons: the special allegiance between the State and its citizens, the national solidarity and the possibility to use emergency powers.
Göçoğlu, Volkan and Hayriye Şengün, ‘Initial Responses to COVID-19 Pandemic in Turkey: General, Financial, and Legal Measures’ in Nadia Mansour and Lorenzo M. Bujosa Vadell (eds), Finance, Law, and the Crisis of COVID-19: An Interdisciplinary Perspective (Springer, 2022) 157–171 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic started in Wuhan, China, and spread to almost all over the world in four months. As pandemic cases began to be detected and increased in countries, governments have started to pursue various policies such as closing the city and country borders, social distance practices, the prohibition of going out, and creating herd immunity. Especially with the closure measures implemented, the countries’ financial systems have been adversely affected, and many sectors have suffered losses. On the other hand, the provision of public services in countries has become more complex. Therefore, countries have taken several measures to maintain their public services without interruption. Legal services are one of the essential services affected by this situation. This study deals with the general, financial and legal measures that Turkey has adopted to combat against COVID-19 pandemic. As a result of the study, while the functional features that stand out in the measures are presented, some suggestions are made for a better crisis management.
Gogarty, Brendan and Gabrielle J Appleby, ‘The Role of the Tasmanian Subordinate Legislation Committee During the Covid-19 Emergency’ (2020) 45(3) Alternative Law Journal 188–194 Abstract: On 17 March 2020, Tasmania entered a ‘state of emergency’ in response to COVID-19. Parliament stands adjourned, and the executive is regulating the crisis through delegated regulations that significantly limit civil rights and freedoms. Despite assurances Tasmania’s Subordinate Legislation Committee would scrutinise executive power throughout the crisis, its role has been limited, due to an overly prescriptive (we argue incorrect) reading of Tasmania’s scrutiny framework, which has not been properly reformed in several decades. This is a salient lesson about why constitutional laws require regular reviewed and modernisation, to ensure Parliaments remain supreme even (especially) during crises and emergencies.
Goitein, Elizabeth, ‘Emergency Powers, Real and Imagined: How President Trump Used and Failed to Use Presidential Authority in the COVID-19 Crisis’ (2020) 11(1) Journal of National Security Law & Policy 27–60 Abstract: Can a president abuse emergency powers by not using them? Elizabeth Goiten explains that President Trump has utilized aggressive rhetoric and claimed the powers of the president during an emergency are absolute. Yet he has been restrained to a fault when deploying emergency powers to address the COVID-19 national health crisis. His approach to emergency powers in regards to immigration and domestic quarantines reveals a tug-of-war between the inclination to assert sweeping power and the desire to avoid responsibility for the public health and economic consequences of the pandemic. At every stage, our national response to COVID-19 has been hampered by a lack of available testing, testing equipment, personal protective equipment, ventilators, and other medical supplies; problems which President Trump could have attacked using legitimate legal authorities. While the use of emergency powers is discretionary by nature, President Trump may have illuminated a new abuse, the politically-motivated failure to deploy emergency powers in a genuine crisis.
Goldstein, Neal D and Joanna S Suder, ‘Application of State Law in the Public Health Emergency Response to COVID-19: An Example from Delaware in the United States’ (2020) Journal of Public Health Policy (advance article, published 28 September 2020) Abstract: The unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic of 2019–2020 generated an equally unprecedented response from government institutions to control contagion. These legal responses included shelter in place orders, closure of non-essential businesses, limiting public gatherings, and mandatory mask wearing, among others. The State of Delaware in the United States experienced an outbreak later than most states but a particularly intense one that required a rapid and effective public health response. We describe the ways that Delaware responded through the interplay of public health, law, and government action, contrasting the state to others. We discuss how evolution of this state’s public heath legal response to the pandemic can inform future disease outbreak policies.
Goodyear, Michael P, ‘Inherent Powers and the Limits of Public Health Fake News’ (2022) 95(2) St. John’s Law Review 319–378 Extract from Introduction: Part I of this Article establishes the contours and severity of the COVID-19 pandemic. Part II discusses the current status of fake news under prevailing First Amendment precedent. Then, Part III turns to the concept of inherent powers, analyzing how inherent powers have been historically understood both through Supreme Court precedent and as emergency powers. Part III continues by specifically addressing inherent powers related to public health and the inherent power of censoring speech during wartime. Part IV constitutes the main analysis of this Article. First, this Article argues that the traditional First Amendment rationales militate towards lower protections for fake news, especially in the context of COVID-19 misinformation. Next, it evaluates whether restrictions on COVID-19 fake news fit within each of the three historical inherent powers categories: (1) longstanding international custom, (2) powers pursuant to constitutionally enumerated powers, and (3) emergency powers. Finding that there are strong countervailing interests in favor of restricting COVID-19 fake news under all three inherent powers categories, this Article then concludes by looking to the future of government regulation of fake news both in public health and in general.
Gostin, Lawrence O, I Glenn Cohen and Jeffrey P Koplan, ‘Universal Masking in the United States: The Role of Mandates, Health Education, and the CDC’ (2020) 324(9) Journal of the American Medical Association ( JAMA) 837–838 Abstract: The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends cloth face coverings in public settings to prevent spread of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), the virus that causes coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Face coverings decrease the amount of infectious virus exhaled into the environment, reducing the risk an exposed person will become infected. Although many states and localities have ordered mask use, considerable variability and inconsistencies exist. Would a national mandate be an effective COVID-19 prevention strategy, and would it be lawful? Given the patchwork of state pandemic responses, should the CDC have enhanced funding and powers to forge a nationally coordinated response to COVID-19 and to future health emergencies?
Gostin, Lawrence O, James G Hodge and Lindsay F Wiley, ‘Presidential Powers and Response to COVID-19’ (2020) 323(16) Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 1547–1548 Abstract: CDC modeling suggests that, without mitigation, SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), could infect more than 60 percent of the United States population. President Trump has declared a national emergency coupled with 49 governors declaring state emergencies (Figure 1), unprecedented actions. Social distancing aims to flatten the epidemic curve to moderate demand on the health system. Consequently, whether through voluntary action or state mandates, individuals are increasingly sheltering at home, schools and universities are closing, businesses are altering operations, and mass gatherings are being cancelled. Some countries have resorted to more aggressive measures, including a cordon sanitaire (a guarded area where individuals may not enter or leave) or large-scale quarantines. What powers do the President and governors possess in the United States? How should we balance individual rights and public health at a critical point in safeguarding the nation’s health?
Gostin, Lawrence O and Lindsay F Wiley, ‘Government Public Health Powers in the COVID-19 Pandemic: Stay-at Home Orders, Business Closures, and Travel Restrictions’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3578817, 2 April 2020)
Jurisdiction: USA Abstract: The president and all 50 governors have declared health emergencies to combat the spread of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), which causes coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). While researchers race for vaccines, officials are implementing physical distancing, including orders to stay at home, restrict travel, and close non-essential businesses. To limit cross-border spread, a few states have issued mandatory quarantines for interstate travelers. Models suggest physical distancing would have to persist for 3 months to mitigate peak impacts on health systems and could continue on an intermittent basis for 12-18 months. What legal powers do governments have? What is the role of the courts? How can we balance public health with personal and economic rights?
Goudge, Amy, ‘Balancing Legality and Legitimacy in Canada’s COVID-19 Response’ (2020) 41 National Journal of Constitutional Law 153–183 [pre-published version on SSRN] Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has delivered an impossible balancing act for democracies. As a public health crisis that demands exceptional measures to contain, the pandemic has forced democratic governments to reconcile competing obligations to legality, political legitimacy, and emergency response. In Canada, we have seen provincial governments impose emergency orders that severely curtail civil liberties. Meanwhile, the federal government has assumed enormous spending powers for crisis relief. While these measures may be necessary to mitigate the pandemic’s worst effects, they also threaten the country’s fundamental commitments to democracy, constitutionalism, and the Rule of Law. This paper analyzes how political and legal controls have operated to ensure that emergency measures strike an appropriate balance between legal rights, democratic norms, and crisis response. While a conclusive assessment of Canada’s COVID-19 response would be premature, I find an emerging picture of a measured approach that is responsive to political and legal controls – not only preserving legality and legitimacy, but sustaining the public trust that is essential to resolving a crisis like COVID-19.
Gowd, Kiran Kumar, Donthagani Veerababu and Veeraiahgari Revanth Reddy, ‘COVID-19 and the Legislative Response in India: The Need for a Comprehensive Health Care Law’ (2021) Journal of Public Affairs Advance article No e2669, published 21 March 2021 Abstract: The outbreak of the SARS CoV2 virus, commonly referred to as the COVID-19 pandemic, has impacted the social, economic, political, and cultural lives of citizens around the world. The sudden outbreak of the pandemic has exposed the legal preparedness, or lack thereof, of governments to reduce and contain its drastic impact. Strong legislative measures play a crucial role in any epidemic or pandemic situation. In this situation, the Indian Government has requested all state governments to invoke the Epidemic Disease Act (EDA) of 1897 to address the COVID-19 emergency. The Central Government has also used the powers provided in the Disaster Management Act (DMA) of 2005. As the country is facing its first major health emergency since independence, the existing legislative measures to deal with a COVID-19 like situation are lacking and require certain amendments to address such situations in the future. This paper aims to present the current constitutional and legislative response to health emergencies in India and attempts to identify gray areas in the statutory provisions. Based on the analysis, this paper suggests several recommendations for amending current legislation and suggests the promulgation of comprehensive public health law. This paper is largely based on primary sources such as the EDA and the DMA, regulations, guidelines, rules issued by the public authorities and court cases related to health and health emergencies along with secondary resources such as newspaper articles and published papers.
Graber, Mark A, ‘COVID-19, the United States and Evidence-Based Politics’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 72 Abstract: The populist attack on evidence-based politics in the United States resulted in a public policy too often based on ideology, partisanship and wishful thinking rather than on scientific consensus. Institutions that might have blunted the populist challenge to evidence-based politics in the United States had been captured before the pandemic or were captured during the pandemic. Hundreds of thousands of people may have died because President Trump was uninterested in science (or in governing). Most notably, while the Supreme Court initially placed more emphasis than the Trump administration on evidence-based public health concerns, ideology, partisanship and wishful thinking had a major say and increased influence on that tribunal’s voting and religion jurisprudence after Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died and was replaced by Justice Amy Comey Barrett.
Granat, Mirosław, ‘Limitations of Civil Rights During a Period of Introduction of Extraordinary Measures in Poland Vis-à-Vis the Pandemic Caused by the SARS-CoV-2 Virus’ in Rainer Arnold and Javier Cremades (eds), Rule of Law and the Challenges Posed by the Pandemic (Springer, 2023) 151–161 Abstract: In Poland, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the legislator did not introduce any extraordinary measures provided for in the 1997 Constitution of Poland, including the state of natural disaster, even though there existed grounds for its introduction. It seems that the legislator’s decision was motivated by the preparations for the presidential elections. During the pandemic, a specific legal regime, referred to as ‘the state of epidemic’, was introduced by means of ordinary statutes and secondary legislation. In a situation where executive bodies regulate the legal position of citizens by means of lower-order legal acts, civil rights are inevitably infringed upon. This situation caused a great deal of social tension. Interference with civil liberties was to some extent limited by judgements of common courts and administrative courts. If the period of the epidemic had any positive side, it was to demonstrate the great value of independent courts and judges for the protection of civil rights.
Graver, Hans Petter, ‘Baselining COVID-19: How Do We Assess the Success or Failure of the Responses of Governments to the Pandemic?’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 214 Abstract: This chapter discusses the relative successes and failures of the management of the pandemic, with a particular focus on the rule of law. Success and failure can be measured along many lines, and depend and vary relative to the indicators chosen. Defining the aim is crucial both for the assessment of proportionality and for the benchmarking of performance. A rule of law evaluation cannot take as its basis the public health consequences of the pandemic. A more relevant approach is the consequences of the pandemic and the measures employed on democracy and the rule of law. The chapter argues that even well-established democracies, such as the Nordic states, have made their institutions more vulnerable. When our political rulers set out to deal with a future crisis, they will do so with the legacy of the pandemic as precedent, unless we now review our experiences and enact measures to prevent this.
Gray, Anthony, ‘Proportionality in Administrative Law and Its Application to Victoria’s Proposed Pandemic Legislation’ (2022) 29(1) Australian Journal of Administrative Law 21–42 Abstract: This article describes the use of proportionality in United Kingdom and Australian administrative law. There remains uncertainty regarding use of the doctrine, particularly in Australia. The article defends proportionality on the basis it reflects the rule of law. Its flexibility is an asset. Arguments against proportionality are considered weak. The use of proportionality reflects a culture of justification for the use of government power in a way that impacts an individual’s human rights, which reflects Australia’s liberal democracy. The article then considers application of proportionality principles to Victoria’s mooted pandemic laws. It finds that proportionality principles provide a more fertile ground for effective judicial review of the proposed extreme measures than Wednesbury unreasonableness.
Greenberg, Daniel, CB, ‘COVID-19 and the Rule of Law: Editorial’ [2021] Statute Law Review Article hmab024 (advance article, published 14 October 2021) Abstract: The need to pass emergency legislation invariably and inevitably places special strains on the rule of law. In particular, difficult balances need to be struck between protecting public health and safety and limiting the intrusive effects of legislation so as to protect Convention human rights and other common law fundamental rights. Apart from substantive law, the processes of emergency legislation necessarily create their own challenges, particularly in relation to giving people due notice of changes in the law while acting fast enough to react to developing events, as well as combining the necessary flexibility with an appropriate hierarchy of primary legislation, subordinate legislation, and quasi-legislation.
Grez Hidalgo, Pablo, ‘Legislative and Judicial Scrutiny of the Emergency Response to the Pandemic in the UK: Stubborn Accountability Gaps’ (2023) 27(3) Edinburgh Law Review 310–321
Grez Hidalgo, Pablo, Fiona de Londras and Daniella Lock, ‘Parliament, the Pandemic, and Constitutional Principle in the United Kingdom: A Study of the Coronavirus Act 2020’ (2022) 85(6) The Modern Law Review 1463–1503 Abstract: Constitutions come under pressure during emergencies and, as is increasingly clear, during pandemics. Taking the legislative and post-legislative debates in Westminster and the Devolved Legislatures on the Coronavirus Act 2020 (CVA) as its focus, this paper explores the robustness of parliamentary accountability during the pandemic, and finds it lacking. It suggests that this is attributable not to the situation of emergency per se, but to (a) executive decisions that have limited Parliament’s capacity to scrutinise; (b) MPs’ failure to maximise the opportunities for scrutiny that did exist; and (c) the limited nature of Legislative Consent Motions (LCMs) as a mode of holding the central government to account. While at first glance the CVA appears to confirm the view that in emergencies law empowers the executive and reduces its accountability, rendering legal constraints near-futile, our analysis suggests that this ought to be understood as a product, to a significant extent, of constitutional actors’ mindset vis-à-vis accountability.
Grez Hidalgo, Pablo, Fiona de Londras and Daniella Lock, ‘Use of the Made Affirmative Procedure in Scotland: Reflections from the Pandemic’ (2022) 26(2) Edinburgh Law Review 219–227 Abstract: Concerns about delegated powers are not new. Their use in Westminster has been the focus of a dedicated stream of work by the Hansard Society for almost ten years, the Lords’ Constitution Committee has published two comprehensive reports raising significant constitutional concerns about the current state of affairs, and numerous scholars have explored their effects and challenges. These interventions take place against the backdrop of five years in which the balance of law-making powers in the UK has shifted in unprecedented ways due to Brexit and COVID-19. The recent publication in November 2021 of two critical reports by the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Committee and the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee highlights a sense of growing momentum for a ‘reset’ of the use of delegated legislation in Westminster. Less has been said about the situation of delegated powers at the devolved level, and the literature on the Scottish situation is dated.5 Intuition would suggest that differences in the electoral system (which make a strong majoritarian government gaining control of the unicameral parliaments in Cardiff, Edinburgh and Stormont difficult, if not unlikely) mean that devolved executives cannot get away with broad delegations of powers. This certainly seemed to be the case in Scotland, as the SNP led a minority government for most part of the pandemic, until 31 August 2021, when the First Minister announced an agreement with the Scottish Green Party. However, a recent ‘Inquiry into the use of the made affirmative procedure during the coronavirus pandemic’ by the Scottish Delegated Powers and Law Reform Committee (DPLRC), which has just published its report, has drawn attention to the fact that concerning practices at Westminster level may also be present at the devolved level. Thus, in a recent oral evidence session, Graham Simpson MSP, a DPLRC committee member, claimed that while, between 2011 and 2019, only nine Scottish Statutory Instruments (SSIs) had been made under the made affirmative procedure (MAP), between 20 March 2020 and 2 December 2021, 132 SSIs were subject to the MAP – a remarkable increase. This growth is partly explicable by the legislative framework through which the Scottish Government’s pandemic response is shaped. Both the Coronavirus Act 2020 – a UK-wide piece of law – and the Public Health etc (Scotland) Act 2008 allow for regulations to be made by the MAP where a Scottish Minister considers there to be a reason of urgency for so doing. The regulations are made by laying a draft before the Scottish Parliament, and they cease to have effect after twenty eight days unless they are approved by Parliament.10 Given the quickly changing epidemiological situation, one might argue that there is in principle little objectionable about the use of the MAP to make such regulations if the statutory condition of urgency is met and potential negative effects on the principles of accountability and shared power between the Scottish Government and the Scottish Parliament are appropriately mitigated through restrained use of the MAP. However, our analysis of a sample of SSIs made during the pandemic suggests that these conditions may not have always been met.
Griglio, Elena, ‘National Parliaments’ Resilience under the Euro-Zone and the Covid-19 Crises: Continuity and Discontinuity in the Euro-National Scrutiny’ (2022) The Journal of Legislative Studies (advance article, published online 1 September 2022) Abstract: Among the epochal crises experienced by the EU in the last 15 years, the Euro-zone and the Covid-19 stand out for their impact on the Euro-national economic and financial governance structure, which challenges the relationship between the executive and the legislative branches and raises major concerns for the role of national parliaments. This contribution aims to analyse how national parliaments have reacted to these challenges in order to identify elements of continuity or discontinuity. After considering the contextual entry conditions met by parliaments in the two outbreaks, the article analyses the scrutiny procedures and practices developed in the European Semester and in the post-Covid recovery framework. The assessment witnesses the resilience of national parliaments’ scrutiny vis-à-vis major changes in the Euro-national governance structures. It confirms an adaptive capacity outside of any real ‘learning curve’ between the two outbreaks, but with potential innovations on the ground of the ex post scrutiny.
Griglio, Elena, ‘Parliamentary Oversight under the Covid-19 Emergency: Striving against Executive Dominance’ (2020) 8(1–2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 49–70 Abstract: The Covid-19 emergency has profoundly challenged the interactions between the legislative and the executive branches of government: while executives have assumed a predominant role in law-making, parliaments are being increasingly marginalised. In the circumstances, many factors make parliamentary oversight of the executive a strategic function for the democratic legitimacy of policy-making. Evaluating the role of parliaments in this domain is the main purpose of this article. It traces and assesses oversight initiatives started by parliaments in Europe in order to evaluate: what types of interaction they are developing with the executives; whether the oversight procedures have been changed, either in a temporary or permanent way; and what sort of influence the oversight function has had on the final outcome of decision-making. The comparative analysis demonstrates that parliaments have followed a realistic and incremental approach to ensure continuity of executive oversight, prioritising the mechanisms that they deemed to be strategic and also feasible in terms of logistical arrangements. Drawing on the lessons learned from this experience, it is questioned whether some of the new oversight (digital) practices should be made permanent. It is argued that prospectively an appropriate and full use of oversight prerogatives will be the marker of parliaments’ ability to create opportunity out of the crisis.
Grogan, Joelle, ‘COVID-19, Rule of Law and Democracy: Analysis of Legal Responses to a Global Health Crisis’ (2022) 14(2/3) Hague Journal on the Rule of Law 349–369 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic caused a severe strain on health systems globally, while simultaneously presenting a social, economic, legal, political, and regulatory challenge. Where the efficacy of pandemic laws adopted by governments are a matter of life and death, the urgency with which action needs to be taken during a pandemic creates a law-making environment which incentivises rapid action without scrutiny and the use of power without restraint. Under such conditions, adherence to the foundational values of democracy and the rule of law come under increased pressure if not threat. The demands of emergency provide a convenient guise and means of justification for the use of power which only serves to consolidate power within the executive to the detriment of the separation of powers and weakening of the institutions of liberal democracy. This article provides a preliminary analysis on how the global health crisis has affected the state of democracy and the rule of law. While the specific examples are drawn from across the globe to highlight common trends and concerns, specific highlight is given to the EU and its Member States. It offers an outlook on how to prepare for future emergencies by building on the lessons of the current one.
Grogan, Joelle, ‘The Limited Role of the European Union in the Management and Governance of the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2021) 18(3) International Organizations Law Review 482–506 Abstract: Building on two global Symposia hosted by the Verfassungsblog and convened by the author, the 2020 ‘COVID-19 and States of Emergency’ and the 2021 ‘Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic’, in addition to the findings of the Democracy Reporting International ‘Rule of Law Stress Test’ which surveyed EU Member States’ responses to the pandemic, this article investigates the impact of the pandemic on governance and legal systems within the EU, and evaluates the actions taken by EU institutions and national governments in response to the health crisis against the standards of the rule of law.
Grogan, Joelle, ‘(Un)Governing: The COVID-19 Response in the UK’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 60 Abstract: The United Kingdom’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed fractures in the constitutional settlement of power between government, parliament, and the devolved legislatures, and has been characterised by hypertrophied executive dominance, U-turn policymaking, and the extended adoption of severely restrictive measures. This chapter examines the challenges the pandemic has presented to law and governance, parliamentary oversight and accountability, devolution, and for human rights, civil liberties and access to justice within the wider political, economic and social context. It critically analyses the law and decision-making process in response to the global health emergency across the UK, and in doing so, highlights where reform is needed in preparation for future crises.
Grogan, Joelle and Julinda Beqiraj, ‘The Rule of Law as the Perimeter of Legitimacy for COVID-19 Responses’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 201 Abstract: This chapter examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on governance and legal systems, and evaluates the actions taken by governments in response to the health crisis against the standards of the rule of law. Identifying concerning trends in executive aggrandisement and rule of law backsliding, it argues how practices undermining the rule of law also undermine effective pandemic response. It advocates a way forward for governance during and following the health emergency, building on lessons to be learned on how best to formulate policy and design the most effective legal measures which can be gleaned from collective global experience. Improving both the quality of law and the use of law can bolster public trust in governance which is, itself, an essential element in the most effective strategies in response to the pandemic. However, such adherence rests on a balance between accountable and rationalised executive decision-making, and the active scrutiny and review of the legislature and the judiciary.
Grogan, Joelle and Alice Donald, ‘Lessons for a ‘Post-Pandemic’ Future’ in Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 473 Abstract: This chapter synthesises findings from the analysis of law – and the application of law – during the COVID-19 pandemic in a range of national contexts, and draws lessons to strengthen preparedness for future emergencies. It ventures that states on the spectrum from democracy to autocracy exhibited a wide variety of approaches that defy easy categorisation and challenge pre-existing assumptions about state responses during emergency. Democracies and autocracies proved equally, and unpredictably, vulnerable to the pandemic in terms of both public health outcomes, and the ‘health’ of their institutions and their capacity to adapt and effectively respond to pandemic conditions. The chapter ventures that good governance and public trust have proved inseparable during the COVID-19 pandemic and must be the focus for investment and development. The chapter makes recommendations in respect of legal reform; the use of expertise; inequality; democratic rehabilitation; global and multilevel governance; and building public trust through rational discourse.
Grogan, Joelle and Alice Donald, ‘Policy Paper on the Implications of COVID-19: Insights into State Governance and the Rule of Law, Human Rights and Good Governance during the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (RECONNECT Project, European Commission, 30 January 2022) Abstract: This paper outlines the key findings of our research on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on law and legal systems throughout the world from the perspective of the rule of law, democracy and human rights. It highlights challenges to pre-existing assumptions about state performance during conditions of a health crisis, and puts forward recommendations based on what can be identified as positive practices both within the European Union (EU) and beyond it. The research is based on the RECONNECT supported ‘Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic’ Symposium, which published comparative analyses on the impact of the pandemic - and government responses to it - on the legal systems in 64 countries worldwide, including 26 EU Member States, and it also draws from further bodies of research to support these findings. This paper provides a preliminary analysis on how the global health crisis has affected the state of democracy and the rule of law. While the findings are drawn from a global study, specific highlight and focus in the formulation of this paper was given to EU Member States and the actions they took over the course of the first 18 months of pandemic. The key findings and policy-oriented recommendations for post-pandemic measures and processes are applicable in a global setting, but are, again, targeted for particular relevance to EU Member States.
Grogan, Joelle and Nyasha Weinberg, ‘Principles to Uphold the Rule of Law and Good Governance in Public Health Emergencies’ (RECONNECT Policy Brief, 18 August 2020) Abstract: Extract from Introduction: This paper presents eight principles of rule of law and good governance to guide action during a public health emergency. The principles are based on the analysis published in the ‘“COVID19 and States of Emergency”’ Symposium, a global study of states of emergency and the use of the emergency powers in response to the COVID-19 crisis. The Symposium published reports on 74 countries by over 100 scholars worldwide, and so provided analysis of legal measures which impacted nearly 80% of global population. While this paper does not consider health policy choices made by states, it instead highlights the good practices which appear to have correlated with positive outcomes, including lower infection rates, lower mortality rates, and the earlier lifting of restrictions.2 Building on these principles, this paper provides recommendations based on evidence of emerging best practice worldwide which are likely to result in higher levels of public trust and compliance with legal measures and policy decisions taken under an emergency. We also highlight concerning practices which may only serve to undermine efforts as well as the rule of law and good governance.
Grogan, Joelle and Alicia Ely Yamin, ‘Mapping COVID-19 Legal Responses: A Functionalist Analysis’ in Glenn I Cohen et al (eds), COVID-19 and the Law: Disruption, Impact and Legacy (Cambridge University Press, 2023) 354–366 Abstract: Drawing on insights from two global symposia that together reported on governmental responses to COVID-19 in 75 countries, this chapter traces two cross-cutting themes that shed greater light on varied impacts on civil liberties and socio-economic rights. First, it considers whether a constitutional state of exception is preferable to using ordinary legislation in managing the impacts on civil liberties of a health and social crisis. The chapter suggests that whether countries are successful in limiting the potential for abuses is best understood in light of socio-historical factors, as well as informal rules that underpin normative and institutional legitimacy, as much as the formal legal vehicles used. Second, the pandemic has exposed the effects of decades of privatization, reduced social spending and rising inequality on health. The chapter suggests that the ways laws structure financing and organization of health systems (public health and care) are as critical to understanding responses as legal recognition of health-related rights. With respect to both civil liberties and health-related rights, the chapter argues that the key to understanding the varied impacts and responses to COVID-19, as well as to consolidating the democratic rule of law post-pandemic, is examining the wider contexts and contingencies that shape how formal legal rules operate.
Grugorovych, Chystokletov Leontii et al, ‘Conditions for the Protection of Human Rights While Covid-19, Legal Principles and Administrative Barriers in Ukraine’ (2021) 9(2) Information Technology in Industry 867–875 Abstract: The article describes both the administrative and legal principles of human rights protection in the context of the spread of coronavirus, which is used in Ukraine and all over the world on the basis of theoretical and practical methods. In this regard, the question of the efficiency of the measures to lessen the spread of the virus, made in connection with the new tasks of the state authorities and, first of all, health authorities, without violating the basic rights of the people becomes relevant. It is proved that the legal analysis of the ratification of international and domestic regulations indicates extraordinary opinions on the issue of ensuring human rights in an emergency relative to the struggle with the infection. Basing on international and national practice, attention is grabbed to the administrative and legal principles of ensuring medical confidentiality during the pandemic. It is shown that the disclosure of medical secrets is allowed in cases of suspicion of the patient intending to commit a crime or on the basis of a decision of a court. Current work provides guidelines directed at enhancing the measures for protecting peoples’ rights in the situation of suppressing the spread of COVID-19.
Gruszczynski, Lukasz, ‘Tackling the COVID-19 Pandemic Through Governmental Regulations: The Experience of Poland’ (2021) 7(1) Journal of Health Inequalities 12–14 Abstract: The article presents a summary of the research results of the project on the development of the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland in its initial phase (March-June 2020). It argues that the design and timing of regulatory responses, as well as the adherence of the population to the relevant rules, had a critical impact on the progression and public health consequences of the pandemic. On that basis, the article concludes that well-designed public health measures, which are implemented early as a part of the proactive strategy that anticipates and reacts quickly to changing circumstances can effectively decrease number of COVID-19 infections and related deaths, provided that adherence of a relevant population is high.
Gruszczynski, Lukasz, Mateusz Zatoński and Martin Mckee, ‘Do Regulations Matter in Fighting the COVID-19 Pandemic? Lessons from Poland’ (2021) 12(4) European Journal of Risk Regulation 739–757 Abstract: In this article, we argue that the design and timing of regulatory responses, as well as the adherence of the population to the relevant rules, have a critical impact on the progression and public health consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. This hypothesis is empirically tested using the example of Poland, a country that experienced, compared to its Western European neighbours, a relatively mild first phase of the pandemic. In this context, we compare Poland with selected countries, including France, Germany, Spain and the UK, and we supplement them with examples from other Visegrad Four (V4) countries – Czechia, Slovakia and Hungary. On that basis, we conclude that while the observed differences between the countries in the progression of the COVID-19 pandemic are the result of a multitude of complex and interrelated reasons (such as demographic structure, population density and connectivity or cultural factors), well-designed public health measures, which are implemented early as a part of the proactive strategy that anticipates and reacts quickly to changing circumstances, can effectively decrease the number of COVID-19 infections and related deaths, provided that the adherence of the relevant population is high.
Guetat, Meriem and Meriem Agrebi, ‘From Democratic Exception to State of Exception: Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law’ (2021) Middle East Law and Governance (advance article, published 26 October 2021) Abstract: Through an analysis of the early legal and institutional response to Covid-19 in Tunisia, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Tunisia’s democratic exceptionalism following the 2011 revolution is not translated into a liberal legal practice but is instead upheld by an authoritarian rationale that serves the role of a formal channel that legitimizes power discourse. Specifically, this article focuses on what the state of exception, which was declared during the ongoing state of emergency, reveals about the various uses of law in Tunisia. It argues that the state of emergency has become the norm to the Tunisian way of governance post-2011, allowing for the survival of past authoritarian practices where the legal apparatus is used and deployed as a tool of policing and control.
Guild, Elspeth, ‘Covid-19 Using Border Controls to Fight a Pandemic? Reflections From the European Union’ (2020) 2 Frontiers in Human Dynamics Article 606299 Abstract: When Covid-19 was acknowledged to have arrived in Europe in February-March 2020, politicians and public health authorities scrabbled to find appropriate and effective responses to the challenges. The EU obligation contained in Article 9 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) requiring the EU (including the Member States to achieve a common protection on human health, however, seems to have been missing from the responses. Instead, borders and their control became a site of substantial political debate across Europe as a possible venue for effective measures to limit the spread of the pandemic. While the most invasive Covid-19 measures have been within EU states, lockdown, closure of businesses etc, the cross-border aspects (limitations on cross border movement) have been important. In the European Union this had important consequences for EU law on border controls, in particular free movement of persons and the absence of controls among Schengen states. While EU law distinguishes between Schengen borders where no control takes place on persons, non-Schengen EU borders, where controls take place but are limited to identity checks and border controls with third countries and external borders with third countries (non EFTA or Swiss) the responses of many Member States and the EU institutions abandoned many aspects of these distinctions. Indeed, the difference between border controls between states (inside Schengen, the EU, EFTA or outside) and internal restrictions on movement became increasingly blurred. Two approaches – public health and public policy – were applied simultaneously and not always in ways which were mutually coherent, or in any way consistent with the Article 9 TFEU commitment. While the public health approach to movement of persons is based on ensuring identification of those in need of treatment or possibly carrying the disease, providing treatment as quickly as possible or quarantine, the public policy approach is based on refusing entry to persons who are a risk irrespective of what that may mean in terms of propagating the pandemic in neighbouring states or states of origin.
Gulland, Jackie, ‘Households, Bubbles and Hugging Grandparents: Caring and Lockdown Rules during COVID-19’ (2020) 28(3) Feminist Legal Studies 329–339 Abstract: Efforts to combat the COVID-19 crisis brought mountains of legislation and guidance to coerce or encourage people to stay at home and reduce the spread of the virus. During peak lockdown in the United Kingdom (UK) regulations defined when people could or could not leave their homes. Meanwhile guidance on social distancing advised people to stay within ‘households’. This paper explores the legislation under lockdowns in the UK from March to October 2020 and the implications for women’s gendered caring roles. The regulations and guidance assumed that households were separate units and ignored the interdependencies which exist between households and between individuals and wider society. The continuing focus in the lockdown regulations has been on households as autonomous, safe, adequate and secure. This overlooks the interdependency of human life, gendered aspects of caring and the inequalities of housing and living conditions, highlighted by feminist scholarship.
Günther, Christian M, ‘Legal vs. Extra-Legal Responses to Public Health Emergencies’ (2022) European Journal of Health Law (Advance article, published online 4 March 2022) Abstract: There is a long-established claim that emergency action through the law is impossible, or bound to be ineffective. This article seeks to challenge this position by reference to the response of many European states to the Coronavirus pandemic and by drawing on Lon Fuller’s theory of law. It argues that there are a number of reasons why a fragmentation of governance between ordinary, legal action and emergency, extra-legal action is neither necessary nor desirable in this specific context. In societies that are generally rule of law compliant governance according to formal legal principles is not only constraining, it also possesses the quality of a ‘liberating limitation’, creating the room for effective, sustainable action. Too little has been made of this positive dimension of the legal form as an instrument for emergency action.
Gutorova, Natalia Oleksandrivna, Yuliia Yuriivna Zabuha and Tetiana Oleksandrivna Mykhailichenko, ‘Legal Issues of Epidemic Safety Due to the Pandemic COVID-19 and the War in Ukraine’ in The European Dimension of Modern Legal Science (Baltija Publishing, 2022) 181–205 Abstract: The experience of fighting the COVID-19 pandemic has shown how vital epidemic safety is for each country. Furthermore, it is not just about saving the lives and health of millions of people. The economic crisis engulfed the whole world. At the same time, we had a crisis in the tourism sector, restricting access to proper and quality education and temporarily restricting freedom of movement. The restrictions on human rights and freedoms were significant, and many countries introduced them in violation of the law. With the increase in the number of mental and psychiatric diseases, the following problems of economic character are a partial list of the negative consequences of this pandemic. In order to prevent these consequences or reduce them to a minimum, the state must have a properly developed system of measures to contain the epidemic and pandemic. That is why they especially need proper legal regulation. This study is devoted to issues that arise precisely at the last (third) level of legal regulation of epidemic safety, when, as a result of an epidemic or pandemic, the state must declare a state of emergency. In addition, Ukraine has a large-scale war, started by the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022, and martial law. These, as well as many other factors, indicate an even more significant deterioration in the country is already the somewhat unfavorable epidemic situation, which determines the relevance of the chosen topic.
Gwaibi, Numvi, ‘Cameroon: Parliamentary (Un)Scrutiny amid Multiple Crises’ (2022) 10(2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 147–164 Abstract: Cameroon’s parliament is constitutionally mandated to perform multiple functions, including the power to make laws. Like most legislatures, parliament is also empowered to perform familiar representative functions during the unfamiliar abnormal context of a crisis. However, parliament’s competence in the legislative domain is severely restricted by the President, who is neither accountable to the Prime Minister nor the legislature. The executive further dominates the legislative agenda by controlling the admissibility criteria of bills in parliament, which gives pride of place to that introduced by the President. Following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the government, in line with World Health Organization recommendations, developed a response plan and also rolled out a solidarity fund of one billion francs CFA. Following persistent allegations of mismanagement of Covid-19 funds, and the leaking of an audit report that alleged massive embezzlement of public funds, Cameroon’s parliament summoned the Minister of Finance to account for the financial misappropriations. However, 24 hours to the session dedicated for this exercise, the item disappeared from the agenda. This paper utilises primary and secondary data, legal and judicial texts, among others, to document how Cameroon’s parliament has responded to the multiple crises that have impacted the country over the past decades.
Győry, Csaba and Nyasha Weinberg, ‘Emergency Powers in a Hybrid Regime: The Case of Hungary’ (2020) 8(3) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 329–353 Abstract: How should we understand the Hungarian government’s activities since the beginning of the Covid-19 crisis? This article reviews Hungary’s emergency law, and the decrees passed under the emergency authorisation to date, as well as the ending of the state of emergency and the subsequently introduced new statutory emergency regime to ask how Hungary’s actions in recent months should be understood. As the paper demonstrates, bringing in insights from political theory to inform constitutional law approaches to legislative practice can help shed some light on the enigma of Hungary’s apparent legislative ‘restraint’.
Habibi, Muhammad, ‘The Pandemic and the Decline of Indonesian Democracy: The Snare of Patronage and Clientelism of Local Democracy’ (2021) 5(2) Asian Political Science Review 9–21 [pre-print available on SSRN] Abstract: The quality of Indonesia’s democracy has decreased, and several findings of democratic institutions indicate a significant reduction that touches aspects of civil liberties and pluralism and the function of government. It is essential to research how far theocratization has taken place in Indonesia during the COVID-19 Pandemic. The method used in this research is qualitative with a meta-theory approach. The results of this study show, first, that democratic sectors, especially in the context of general elections, are still at high risk of corruption. Over the past year, Indonesia has been political corruption that is the mother of all forms of corruption in the state structure that can affect the implementation process and the quality of democracy. Second, requests for political dowries by political parties and corruption by regional heads for campaigning purposes. They resulted in interactions between elites that form patronage and clientelism composed of patrons held by the economic elite with resources. The two factors above are important reasons for estimating the declining quality of Indonesian democracy.
Haddow, Kim et al, ‘Preemption, Public Health, and Equity in the Time of COVID-19’ in Scott Burris et al (eds), Assessing Legal Responses to COVID-19 (Public Health Law Watch, 2020) 71–76
Jurisdiction: USA Abstract: Preemption is a legal doctrine that allows a higher level of government to limit or eliminate the power of a lower level of government to regulate a specific issue. As governments seek to address the myriad health, social, and economic consequences of COVID-19, an effective response requires coordination between state and local governments. Unfortunately, for many localities, the misuse of state preemption over the last decade has increased state and local government friction and weakened or abolished local governments’ ability to adopt the health- and equity-promoting policies necessary to respond to and recover from this crisis. The broad misuse of preemption has left localities without the legal authority and policy tools needed to respond to the pandemic. Existing state preemption of paid sick leave, municipal broadband, and equitable housing policies, for example, forced local governments to start from behind. Moreover, many state executive orders issued in response to COVID-19 outlawed local efforts to enact stronger policies to protect the health and wellbeing of communities. And, preemption in the time of COVID-19 has exacerbated the health and economic inequities affecting people of color, lowwage workers, and women. Conflict between state and local governments has cost lives, delayed effective responses, and created confusion that continues to undermine public health efforts. The new coronavirus pandemic has made it clear that the overwhelming majority of state preemption occurring today harms public health efforts and worsens health inequities. The crisis also has underscored the need to reform and rebalance the relationship between states and local governments.
Hadrowicz, Sandra, ‘The Liability of Public Authorities for “Legal Damages” During the Covid-19 Pandemic’ in Edyta Hadrowicz (ed), Polish Entrepreneurial Law in the Era of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Problems and Challenges (Springer, 2024) 47–62 Abstract: The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic caused numerous changes in socio-economic life around the world. All countries around the world faced the challenge of dealing with the effects of the pandemic. However, the actions taken by the public authorities have not been without detriment to various spheres of human activity, in particular the sphere of economic activity. As a result, the affected entrepreneurs have suffered numerous losses, for which it is necessary to find an appropriate legal basis. For this reason, the chapter considers whether, and if so to what extent, a public authority may be held liable for Covid damages caused to entrepreneurs when the intrusive actions of the authority have been assessed as lawful. The analysis concerns the admissibility of holding public authorities liable for legal damages both in Poland and Germany.
Hadrowicz, Edyta, ‘Possible Liability of the State Treasury for the Restriction of Economic Activities During the Pandemic of COVID-19’ in Polish Entrepreneurial Law in the Era of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Problems and Challenges (Springer, 2024) 1–20 Abstract: In connection with numerous restrictions on civil rights and freedoms, in particular on the freedom to conduct business activity during the SARS-CoV-2 virus, the question arises whether entrepreneurs who suffered damage due to these restrictions may seek compensation from the State Treasury. Thus, the subject of this study is an attempt to answer the question of the possibility to effectively pursue claims for compensation from the State Treasury for damage caused to entrepreneurs as a result of the implementation of bans or restrictions in certain areas of economic activity in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic. Lawsuits for compensation for such damage are currently being announced in the public space, and their legal basis is provided by the provisions of Article 417 et seq. Polish Civil Code.
Hafiz, Hiba et al, ‘Regulating in Pandemic: Evaluating Economic and Financial Policy Responses to the Coronavirus Crisis’ (Boston College Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No 527, March 2020) Abstract: The United States is currently trying to manage a fast-moving public health crisis due to the coronavirus outbreak (COVID-19). The economic and financial ramifications of the outbreak are serious. This Working Paper discusses these ramifications and identifies three interrelated but potentially conflicting policy priorities at stake in managing the economic and financial fallout of the COVID-19 crisis: (1) providing social insurance and a social safety net to individuals and families in need; (2) managing systemic economic and financial risk; and (3) encouraging critical spatial behaviors to help contain COVID-19 transmission. The confluence of these three policy considerations and the potential conflicts among them make the outbreak a significant and unique regulatory challenge for policymakers, and one for which the consequences of getting it wrong are dire. This Working Paper — which will be continually updated to reflect current developments — will analyze the major legislative and other policy initiatives that are being proposed and enacted to manage the economic and financial aspects of the COVID-19 crisis by examining these initiatives through the lens of these three policy priorities. It starts by analyzing the provisions of H.R. 6201 (the ‘Families First Coronavirus Responses Act’) passed by the house on March 14, 2020, subject to subsequent Technical Corrections of March 16, 2020, and then passed by the Senate without amendment and signed by the President on March 18, 2020. Next, it analyzes the provisions of H.R. 748 (the ‘Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act’ or the ‘CARES’ Act) enacted into law on March 27, 2020. By doing so, this Working Paper provides an analytical framework for evaluating these initiatives.
Hajrizi, Zenel, ‘Treatment of Covid 19 from the Legal Point of View in Kosovo’ [2020] UBT International Conference, 30-31 October 2020, Pristine, Kosovo) Abstract: The Covid 19 pandemic challenged human society indiscriminately. Dealing with health workers with the virus was the arena of gladiators, while vertical and horizontal organization of institutions was needed. The primary burden was on government action based on the advice of the Ministry of Health and the National Institute of Public Health.The discrepancy of institutional attitudes fractured the political spectrum regarding the actions of citizens for working hours, and the problem was transferred to the Constitutional Court for interpretation.Parliamentary debates on the anti-covid law took time, while the overthrow of the government seemed to facilitate the circulation measures until the voting of the anti-covid law, which took more than five months from the presentation of the first cases of the citizens of the country with Covid19. With the voting and application of the anticovid law, the local level also took over the competence for coordination of actions until the opening of the possibilities for conducting tests in private laboratories. Kosovo health protocols require the preservation of public health, while the application of the law transforms the current situation of citizens.
Halkis, Mhd, David Yacobus and Suhirwan Suhirwan, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic Emergency for the Doctrine of Asymmetric Warfare’ (2022) 6(S6) International Journal of Health Sciences 7677–7695 Abstract: Several countries that have involved the military in handling Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) have been relatively successful. The authors researched the doctrine of asymmetric warfare during the COVID-19 pandemic emergency. The Indonesian government assigns the Indonesian National Army (TNI) during an emergency. Help to support the smooth circulation of fulfilling the population’s basic needs, cross-regional population transportation, crime is not widespread, offices continue to run with restrictions on the number of people working, and the economy recovers quickly. This research framework uses moral philosophy. Deontological views and utilitarianism become the main assessment instruments to build the doctrine of asymmetric warfare. This research uses a case study approach. The study results show that the Indonesian people see the emergency condition of the COVID-19 pandemic as an asymmetrical warfare. The government is aware of the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic occurring at various government levels in terms of spread, duration, and number. All resources are used to deal with COVID-19, including the military, because civil society does not have many facilities and capabilities of TNI personnel.
Halliday, Simon et al, ‘Why the UK Complied with COVID-19 Lockdown Law’ (2022) 33(3) King’s Law Journal 386–410 Abstract: Evidence suggests that the UK’s first lockdown attracted high levels of compliance.2 Yet, a question remains about exactly why the UK public complied. Understanding people’s motivations towards compliance is important for governments when, in periods of crisis, they seek to use rules to change an entire population’s routine behaviour at considerable pace. This is particularly the case in the context of a pandemic where changes in even a small number of people’s behaviours can make a big difference to the overall number of infections. While hitherto research has generally explored adherence to behavioural restrictions irrespective of the legal status of their underpinning rules,3 our analysis focuses specifically on what drove public compliance with lockdown law. Our interest in compliance with law thus offers a particular contribution to the broader research endeavour of understanding public behaviour during lockdown, specifically examining the role of law and legal culture in the UK’s public responses to the pandemic.
Handfield, Robert B et al, ‘A New Acquisition Model for the next Disaster: Overcoming Disaster Federalism Issues through Effective Utilization of the Strategic National Stockpile’ (2024) 84(1) Public Administration Review 65–85 Abstract: Using primary data collected from interviews with federal and state government officials and secondary data related to PPE distribution and state healthcare statistics, we discovered evidence that the use of the Strategic National Stockpile (SNS) to distribute personal protective equipment to state and local agencies in need during the height of COVID-19 was indeed poorly designed to cope with the COVID-19 emergency, leaving many states with shortages of badly needed medical supplies. As a result, many states struggled to organize an uncoordinated procurement response—which we suggest is due to federalism issues. To overcome federalism challenges and increase future disaster preparedness, we recommend four necessary reforms to the SNS that include (1) the incorporation of uncompensated industry experts into SNS administration, (2) the provision of an emergency production board for times of crisis, (3) elevated political leadership for the SNS, (4) improvement of federal-state supply chain governance.
Harder, Mette Marie and Christoffer Harder, ‘COVID-19 Response Strategies: Differences Between Strategies of Male and Female Heads of Governments?’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No ID 3679608, 15 July 2020) Abstract: According to news media all over the world, the COVID-19 virus is showcasing gendered leadership transparently to everyone: Male leaders exemplified by Donald Trump and Boris Johnson represent a laid-back, macho-‘we are not afraid’ attitude and failed to act, whereas female leaders such as Jacinda Ardern applied extensive government measures. Or did they? This study examines whether nations with female heads of government have applied more extensive measures to combat the COVID-19 virus than countries led by men. Using the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker data set, we find no indications that female leaders apply more extensive shutdown measures or health responses over time. However, OECD countries led by women did enact their respective maximum shutdown measures significantly more quickly than OECD countries led by men.
Harlinah, Sitti and Andi Sri Rezky Wulandari, ‘Development and Urgency of Administrative Law Tools After the Enactment of Law No. 2 April 2020 During the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2024) 2(2) Rechtsnormen Journal of Law 145–155 Abstract: The purpose is to determine the position of administrative legal instruments in the formation of public policy, as well as analyze developments and the urgency of administrative law as an alternative to government policy during the Covid-19 pandemic. Conclusion is the instruments of administrative law in the formation of public policy develop dynamically over time along with the needs of the state and citizens.
Harrington, Alexandra, ‘Summary Report Concerning Responses to COVID-19 in the USA’ (2021) 1(1–3) Legal Policy and Pandemics: The Journal of the Global Pandemic Network 85–94 Abstract: The United States of America (US) has been profoundly impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic, leading the world in both Covid-19 cases and deaths despite access to vaccinations and advanced treatments. Critical to the US response to Covid-19 from a legal and regulatory perspective is the dichotomy between federal and US state governance powers and systems, which have frequently come into conflict during the pandemic. At the same time, the pandemic occurred during a highly divisive presidential campaign, in which responses became a matter of political rhetoric, and an equally contentious aftermath. The change of presidential administrations in January 2021 brought significant shifts in national policies and rules regarding Covid-19 response and recovery. However, the tensions between national and state legal and regulatory responses remains and continues to be evident in responses to the rise of variants, particularly the Delta variant, across the country. This article reviews Covid-19 legal and regulatory responses and the national and state levels in order to highlight how these entities have addressed economic, social, and public health-related issues.
Harrington, John, ‘Indicators, Security and Sovereignty during COVID-19 in the Global South’ (2021) 17(2) International Journal of Law in Context 249–260 Abstract: The spread of COVID-19 has seen a contest over health governance and sovereignty in Global South states, with a focus on two radically distinct modes: (1) indicators and metrics and (2) securitisation. Indicators have been a vehicle for the government of states through the external imposition and internal self-application of standards and benchmarks. Securitisation refers to the calling-into-being of emergencies in the face of existential threats to the nation. This paper contextualises both historically with reference to the trajectory of Global South states in the decades after decolonisation, which saw the rise and decline of Third-World solidarity and its replacement by neoliberalism and global governance mechanisms in health, as in other sectors. The interaction between these modes and their relative prominence during COVID-19 is studied through a brief case-study of developments in Kenya during the early months of the pandemic. The paper closes with suggestions for further research and a reflection on parallel trends within Global North states.
Hartini, Rahayu and Yusufa Ibnu Sina Setiawan, ‘The Role of Legal Sociology in Terms of Covid-19: Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) in Indonesia’ (2021) 15(1) Indian Journal of Forensic Medicine & Toxicology 1425–1431 Abstract: The study of legal sociology is a study that has legal phenomena, but uses social science and sociology theory. The role of Legal sociology is so tight when juxtaposed with a problem that is emerging, namely the global pandemic Coronavirus Disease (Covid)-19. The juridical normative research with a method of approach to the law, conceptual and comparative. Legal materials that have been collected are analyzed by content analysis. Some affected countries that successfully handled the COVID-19 pandemic, including: South Korea, New Zealand, Singapore. Italy and United States containment strategy for handling Covid-19 are contradictory from those countries above. PSBB has been applied in Indonesia and other countries. The PSBB must be accompanied by other programs so that the government can successfully handle COVID-19.. PSBB does not guarantee that the community will obey the regulation. The most effective action with all the consequences is regional quarantine or lockdown accompanied by other supporting programs from the government.
Hartley, Kris and Darryl SL Jarvis, ‘Policymaking in a Low-Trust State: Legitimacy, State Capacity, and Responses to COVID-19 in Hong Kong’ (2020) 39(3) Policy and Society 403–423 Abstract: With indiscriminate geographic and socio-economic reach, COVID-19 has visited destruction of life and livelihoods on a largely unprepared world and can arguably be declared the new millennium’s most trying test of state capacity. Governments are facing an urgent mandate to mobilize quickly and comprehensively in response, drawing not only on public resources and coordination capabilities but also on the cooperation and buy-in of civil society. Political and institutional legitimacy are crucial determinants of effective crisis management, and low-trust states lacking such legitimacy suffer a profound disadvantage. Social and economic crises attending the COVID-19 pandemic thus invite scholarly reflection about public attitudes, social leadership, and the role of social and institutional memory in the context of systemic disruption. This article examines Hong Kong as a case where failure to respond effectively could have been expected due to low levels of public trust and political legitimacy, but where, in fact, crisis response was unexpectedly successful. The case exposes underdevelopment in scholarly assumptions about the connections among political legitimacy, societal capacity, and crisis response capabilities. As such, this calls for a more nuanced understanding of how social behaviours and norms are structured and reproduced amidst existential uncertainties and policy ambiguities caused by sudden and convergent crises, and how these can themselves generate resources that bolster societal capacity in the fight against pandemics.
Harvey, Darren, ‘Brexit and COVID-19’ (2021) 32(1): Covid-19: Political Responses and Legal Consequences King’s Law Journal 26-36
Pre-published version of article available on SSRN Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic and the United Kingdom’s (UK) withdrawal from the European Union (EU) constitute the two greatest challenges faced by the UK state in modern times. The former has resulted in ‘the largest peacetime shock to the global economy on record’, with UK Gross Domestic Product ‘set to fall by 11 per cent this year – the largest drop in annual output since the Great Frost of 1709.’1The latter involves the UK leaving both the EU customs union and the EU single market and attempting to replace these arrangements with a much less ambitious free-trade agreement, thus constituting ‘the single gravest act of economic segregation in modern history.’Either of these challenges on their own would have undoubtedly caused widespread disruption to the legal and political order of any European nation state. One of the great misfortunes of our time, it seems, is that they both happen to have come along at the same time. The impact of COVID-19 and Brexit within the domestic legal order of the UK is neatly illustrated by AG v OG, a case concerned with the cross-applications for financial remedies by a divorced couple who had previously co-owned and operated a ducting business. The respondent in the case argued that when it came to calculating the value of the company, ‘a discount of 10% should be applied to reflect the effects of the economic downturn caused by the COVID -19 pandemic and the likely future disruption to be experienced on account of Brexit, particularly where there appears to be an appreciable risk that this country will not conclude a trade agreement with the European Union by 31 December 2020.’ This was because a significant portion of the company’s business was with customers based in the EU and, for the time being, that business was conducted on a tariff-free basis. The risk at the time of the UK and EU failing to reach an agreement in the ongoing negotiations (leading to a ‘no deal’ Brexit) was thus liable to have adverse consequences for the business. Similarly, it was argued that the COVID-19 pandemic had had a considerable impact upon the company, which had not only experienced a significant decrease in demand for the time being, but was likely to be negatively affected in the future by a predicted recession. In giving judgment in the case, Mostny J recognised that this was ‘an issue novel to this court but one which will likely become a recurring feature in cases like this.’ Ultimately, in accepting that the combination of Brexit and COVID-19 were likely to have a significant impact upon the value of the business at the centre of the dispute, Mostyn J agreed to the application of a ‘discount for COVID/Brexit on trading element at 10%.’ For the High Court, the uncertainty caused by the prospect of a no deal Brexit and the devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic were so closely intertwined that it was appropriate to consider their impact together when calculating the value of a company. Against this background, this short paper examines the disruption that the COVID-19 pandemic has caused to the Brexit process. Section II deals with the negotiations between the UK and the EU regarding the terms and conditions of what became the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA). I refer to this as the external dimension to the Brexit process. As we shall see, the effort that both sides have expended in responding to the pandemic placed immense pressure on the time and resources available for negotiating and concluding the new TCA, affecting the time available to scrutinise its contents before its entering into force on 1st January 2021. Section III then turns to examine the internal dimension of Brexit, drawing attention to the effects that the pandemic has had upon the abilities of the UK parliament and executive to prepare the domestic UK legal order for life after Brexit. Section IV is a conclusion.
Hasan, Hasan Falah, ‘Legal and Health Response to COVID-19 in the Arab Countries’ (2021) 14 Risk Management and Healthcare Policy 1141-1154 Abstract:
Background: Arab countries account for almost 6% of the global population, yet they make up only 5% of the total cases and less than 3% of the global death toll attributed to COVID-19. COVID-19 has put the health systems in the various Arab Countries and their ability to deliver healthcare services under tremendous strain. The capacity and stability of any health system is important in any type of response to the pandemic, in order to ensure an effective and efficient delivery of care to the public through COVID-19 and beyond. The objective of this study is to identify the various response of health systems in Arab Countries to COVID-19, and highlight the legal and health challenges faced during the pandemic. The study identified both gaps and good practices that may be utilized in order to guide the efforts in response to COVID-19 and the recovery efforts once the pandemic is over.
Methods: To determine why the response of some health systems in Arab Countries responses are more effective than others, a three-step framework is adopted which includes, detection, containment, and treatment stages. In order to identify which countries are excelling at detection, containment, and treatment stages, several indicators were selected for each stage. To be able to understand the legal and health challenges of response to the COVID-19 pandemic, an analysis of the health systems, the resources in terms of quality and access, health workforce, and finance was conducted. Secondary data published by the Global Burden of Disease Study, and the Global Change Data Lab of the University of Oxford was used to study identified gaps and good practices to guide the responses to COVID-19 and recovery efforts once the pandemic is over.
Results: The epidemiologic record demonstrates that that certain Arab countries are managing to control the pandemic, through a combination of mitigation strategies, suppression strategy and elimination strategy. There are several barriers and challenges in Arab health systems which have been amplified due to COVID-19 and if ignored may pose a further significant challenge in the future. Health systems in Arab countries are not sufficiently equipped to handle all healthcare needs related to COVID-19, in particular issues relating to administration, equity, finances, the supply side of healthcare, and usage of information technology.
Conclusion: In Arab counties, the standard response to COVID-19 was enforced by new health laws, which consist of a combination of the traditional disease control measures (testing, contact-tracing, social distancing), population-based physical distancing (including stay-at-home orders, school and business closures, and social gathering bans), travel limits (including travel bans, and border closures), and economic support measures. Acceptable healthcare quality and access, sufficient health workforce, and sufficient funds are the most imperative needs in the health system in Arab counties to provide a sustainable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Hasmath, Reza et al, ‘Performance Legitimacy and COVID-19: What Are Citizens’ Expectations for Crisis Management in an Authoritarian State?’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3615101, 31 May 2020) Abstract: Chinese citizens are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage national disasters and emergencies. Leveraging two waves of a nation-wide survey of urban residents, conducted in 2018 and 2020, we find statistical support amongst Chinese citizens for civil society organizations to become more involved in a national crisis such as during COVID-19. The theoretical and practical implications for authoritarian regimes are discussed. Primarily, we suggest that while authoritarian regimes can use crises to gain and retain performance legitimacy, their normal methods of controlling information can thwart these gains. Civil society organizations can assist with this dilemma.
Hau, Lucia de Canossa Silva and Ketut Adi Wirawan, ‘Analysis of the Existence of State Law in Implementing a State of Emergency in the Covid-19 Situation in Timor-Leste’ (2023) 6(2) Sociological Jurisprudence Journal 117–122 Abstract: Concerning ‘The Existence of the state of Law in implementing of a State of Emergency in the Covid-19 Situation’ is a constitutional reflection. Regarding state issues in the juridical aspect, the researcher sees that there have been multiple lexical interpretations in the use of the words Estado Emergencia and Estado de Esesaun. In the author’s opinion, this theoretical issue is that the concept of Staatnoodrecht (Netherlands) is divided into two parts, namely Subjective Staatnoodrecht and Objective Staatnoodrecht. There are two formulations of the problem. First, does the real situation of Covid-19, which attacks the population of the entire territory of Timor-Leste, meet the requirements to be declared Timor-Leste in a state of emergency? Second, how is the existence of state law in a state of emergency? This study uses normative juridical methods, including statutory, conceptual, and historical approaches. This research is expected to find basic theoretical ideas to realize the existence of the law state in implementing emergencies in the Covid-19 situation.
He, Alex Jingwei, Yuda Shi and Hongdou Liu, ‘Crisis Governance, Chinese Style: Distinctive Features of China’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic’ (2020) 3(3) Policy Design and Practice 242-258 Abstract: Since the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (Covid-19) epidemic in Wuhan, China has remained under the international spotlight. Despite hostile sentiments toward the country that are still prevalent in many parts of the world, it is clear that China has managed to contain this unprecedented public health crisis reasonably swiftly since the lockdown of Wuhan. What accounts for this ‘success’? What are the experience and lessons that can be learnt by the international community and policy practitioners? This study seeks to reveal China’s highly distinctive style of crisis governance behind its pandemic containment outcome since February 2020. We analyze how the Chinese government was able to mobilize the entire state machinery and all possible resources in this battle. Focus is given to the distinctive features at institutional, strategic, and operational levels, illustrating the country’s style of crisis governance while also drawing necessary caveats.
Hemel, Daniel J, ‘Four Futures for U.S. Pandemic Policy’ (2021) University of Chicago Legal Forum (forthcoming) Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic is probably not the last time that a new and deadly infectious disease will sweep the planet. What can the United States do to improve its changes of averting large-scale loss of life the next time? This essay—prepared for The University of Chicago Legal Forum’s symposium issue on ‘Law for the Next Pandemic’—envisions four ‘futures’ for the United States’ pandemic response and considers the advantages and drawbacks of each. One approach, the Mass Surveillance strategy, relies on widespread population monitoring, rigorous contact tracing, and enforced isolation of the infected. That strategy has enabled several East and Southeast Asian countries to keep case counts low without instituting long lockdowns. In the United States, the Mass Surveillance approach would face surmountable constitutional hurdles but potentially insurmountable cultural obstacles. A second option, the Fortress strategy, combines lockdowns to stop community transmission with border closures to prevent reintroduction of the infection. Australia and New Zealand illustrate the Fortress approach’s lifesaving potential, but their examples will be difficult to replicate in a country with a much larger population and long land borders. A third approach, the Internationalist strategy, emphasizes global cooperation with the goal of preventing animal-to-human transmission and containing any outbreak quickly. That approach is appealing—and worth pursuing—but it faces the high probability that it won’t work. A fourth approach, the Early Vaccination strategy, would truncate the clinical trial process and boost vaccine production capacity so that a large portion of the U.S. population could be vaccinated within several months of an outbreak. This, too, is worth a try, but even a rapidly developed vaccine is unlikely to protect us from a pandemic’s first wave. Ultimately, the essay recommends that the United States follow an all-of-the-above approach—preparing to pursue the Mass Surveillance, Fortress, Internationalist, and Early Vaccination strategies—without being overly optimistic about the prospect that any single one of these strategies will succeed.
Hemming, Andrew, ‘Will Democratic Freedoms and Human Rights Survive a Second Pandemic in Australia?: A Case Study of the Legal Foundations and Mechanisms of Implementation of Australia’s COVID-19 Response’ (2024) 98(8) Australian Law Journal 578–595 Abstract: This article is a case study of the laws and regulations at both the Commonwealth and State level that were relied upon to uphold Australia’s COVID-19 response, and the behavioural mechanisms used by governments in Australia to implement these regulatory policies. The question will be posed now that borders have been re-opened and normality restored in a ‘we will have to live with COVID-19’ environment, whether the draconian restrictions on democratic freedoms and human rights could reoccur unless Australia changes the manner in which these laws and regulations are imposed by governments and interpreted by the courts, especially given the High Court’s decision in ‘Palmer v Western Australia’. This question is particularly important given the announcement on 21 September 2023 that the Commonwealth Government was setting up a COVID-19 Response Inquiry to identify lessons learned to improve Australia’s preparedness for future pandemics.
Hettiarachchi, CA, CD Attanayake and SS Wijesinghe, ‘Law of “Isolation” and Its Legitimacy of Practice in Sri Lanka: A Judicial Review’ (2022) 28(1) Journal of the College of Community Physicians of Sri Lanka 541–554 Abstract: Isolation of persons is a key strategy to prevent and control highly contagious diseases throughout the history worldwide and its importance had re-emerged due to COVID-19 pandemic. In Sri Lanka, like other countries, this isolation process is mainly governed by the law. The Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance is the main law in this regard where the powers are mainly vested with health authorities. Conclusions and Recommendations: Quarantine and Prevention of Diseases Ordinance of Sri Lanka and its regulations can be used to prevent and control COVID-19 effectively as adequate and powerful provisions are available, especially in relevant to isolation of persons. However, the relevant law is often wrongly interpreted and imposed by authorities as well as non-authorities. Authorities and Authorized Officers need to be empowered on their powers and limitations to implement the law legitimately in order to achieve the maximum control and prevention of COVID-19 and other infectious diseases.
Hickman, Tom, ‘Abracadabra Law-Making and Accountability to Parliament for the Coronavirus Regulations’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3732097, 17 November 2020)
Jurisdiction: UK Abstract: Since 26 March 2020 the day-to-day life of every person in the country has been regulated and restricted to an exceptionally high degree by criminal laws made by regulations that have intruded deeply into the heart of individual liberty, regulating the purposes for which people can leave their homes, their ability to socialise and meet family members and their ability to work. The regulations have been made under the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984. Disquiet about the development of a modern form of government by proclamation gradually built-up in Parliament over the summer of 2020. This paper examines this issue. It identifies the two functions of Parliament in relation to delegated legislation as (a) accountability and (b) transparency. It concludes that in the period 26 March 2020 to 12 October 2020 Parliament was unable to perform these functions adequately. Regulations were produced at the last minute, shortly before they came into effect, and parliamentary scrutiny and debate of the measures, if it occurred at all, was belated, restricted and stale. It is suggested that far from being merely a product of an exceptional period, the experience highlights structural weaknesses in the regime for scrutiny of delegated legislation which need to be urgently addressed.
Hickman K C, Tom and Joe Tomlinson, ‘Judicial Review during the Covid-19 Pandemic’ (2023) 27(3) Edinburgh Law Review 252–283 Abstract: The public health crisis during the COVID-19 pandemic subjected judicial review to competing pressures. There was pressure for courts to be accommodating to governments both substantively and procedurally, for judicial review to be minimised and restricted and for powers to be broadly and generously construed. On the other hand, the unparalleled intrusions on individual freedoms and the need for hurried rule-making with little political scrutiny called for heightened vigilance and might have justified the courts developing a role acting in partnership with Governments in ensuring COVID-19 rules were lawful, reasonable and proportionate. The reported decisions in England, Wales and Scotland reveal the dominance of the first of these pressures and they paint a markedly deferential picture. Judicial rulings had negligible impact on COVID-19 restrictions. Courts did not act in partnership with the Government in shaping COVID-19 rules. The system of judicial review nonetheless had impact through what we described as its “second look” function: providing a mechanism for triggering public servants to look again at a decision and amended or change them to provide a sounder balance between public health imperatives and competing rights and interests.
Hicks, Elizabeth, ‘Private Actors and Crisis: Scrutinising the National COVID-19 Commission Advisory Board’ (Melbourne School of Government, University of Melbourne, Governing during crises No Policy Brief No 4, 5 August 2020) Key Points: The Policy Brief makes the following central points:
(a) Times of crisis pose risks of executive expansion. When monitoring those risks, observers must consider the broader arrangements that shape how that executive power is wielded. This includes the relationship between private parties, private industry and the executive.
(b) The National Covid-19 Commission Advisory Board (NCC) advises the government on Australia’s longer-term economic recovery. It comprises commissioners and members of working groups from the private sector, who are personally selected and appointed by the Prime Minister’s office. On 27 July 2020, the Prime Minister announced that the NCC would work ‘within’ government, forming part of Cabinet deliberative processes.
(c) Several features of the NCC are of concern, including: a lack of any legislative underpinning and clear, independent appointment process typically expected of publicly-funded bodies; opaque operations; little legal clarity whether it can form ‘part of’ cabinet and rely on cabinet confidentiality; and the absence of a duty to publicly disclose conflicts of interest.
Hicks, Elizabeth, ‘Proportionality and Protracted Emergencies: Australia’s COVID-19 Restrictions on Repatriation Rights’ (2023) 45(1) Sydney Law Review (forthcoming) Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic plunged governments into a world of ‘tragic choices’. With minimal forewarning and limited available infrastructure to enable freedoms in an alternative way, governments were required to restrict rights to meet the more urgent, ‘existential’ need to control threats to life. The nature of the emergency limited the role of courts in assessing challenges that raised rights and proportionality arguments against restrictions. In this article I argue that rights based proportionality reasoning can nonetheless retain a meaningful role in emergency settings. To do so, I compare how courts in Israel, New Zealand and elsewhere applied proportionality reasoning in public law challenges to restrictions on repatriation rights during the pandemic. I argue that judicial scrutiny of a restriction’s proportionality can intervene in ‘executive path dependency’ — the failure of executive emergency governance to invest in infrastructure over time to render restrictions less necessary. Such scrutiny can also provide for more principled systems of allocating scarce resources. I then demonstrate how various Australian mechanisms — constitutional, administrative and political — failed to supply the same protection in challenges to restrictions on repatriation rights. I trace this to the faith that the Australian system places in popular, majoritarian accountability mechanisms, whose operation is altered in emergency settings.
Hicks, Elizabeth, ‘A Right to Come Home? Repatriation Rights & Policy in Australia’ (University of Melbourne, Melbourne School of Government, Governing During Crises Policy Brief No 11, 15 April 2021) This Policy Brief makes the following key points:
(a) Australian citizens stranded abroad have brought a complaint against Australia before the United Nations Human Rights Committee. Although this avenue of recourse faces obstacles, it has raised questions about current Australian policy on border closures and repatriation.
(b) A key part of Australia’s successful response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been its closure of international borders. The burden of that success has largely fallen on those affected by restrictions on international travel: citizens and residents stranded abroad; including citizens and residents whose compassionate or other circumstances have not been approved for an exemption by the Department of Home Affairs.
(c) Australia’s quarantine program is largely administered by the states. Caps on the number of arrivals have been consistently lower than demand and notoriously volatile, reduced in response to repeated system failures in hotel quarantine programs.
(d) In the absence of an express bill of rights, Australia largely relies on political mechanisms to hold the government to account, including with regard to the proportionality of COVID-19 related international border restrictions. Political mechanisms have failed to prioritise the right of citizens to return ahead of other political and economic concerns relevant to government business. Repatriation policy has also operated in a vacuum of political accountability: border closures have been the government’s most popular restriction.
Hidayatullah, Hidayatullah and Nasrullah Nasrullah, ‘Enforcement of Health Law: The Large Scale Social Limitation In Indonesia Viewed of The Theory Of Al-Maqashid Asy-Syar’iyyah’ (2020) 20(1) Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 43–58 Abstract: Starting from the outbreak of the Corona Virus pandemic (Covid-19) in the early 2020s including in Indonesia, humanity was shaken with a variety of panic. To cope with the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak, the Government of Indonesia established a public health emergency status and adopted a Large Scale Social Restrictions (LSSL) policy. However, this health law enforcement issues a new polemic for the society, for Indonesian Muslims who cannot worship in congregation in mosques or other places of worship. The purpose of this study is to analyze the LSSL Policy that implemented by the government from the perspective of al-Maqashid asy-Syar’iyyah. This research is a legal research with literature study method and normative juridical research. Thus, the legal material related to the LSSL policy imposed by the Government of Indonesia. Based on the results of the study showed that there are some differences and their consequences, but the theory of al-Maqashid asy-Syar’iyyah LSSL policy is one of the best choices in the framework of overcoming the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak in Indonesia
Hill, Guzyal and John Garrick, ‘The Turbulent Effects of COVID-19 Policy on Australian Federalism and National Uniform Legislation’ (2023) 97(11) Australian Law Journal 842 [pre-published article available on SSRN[ Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic prompted intergovernmental reforms across nine jurisdictions in Australia, with divergent state policies reviving debates about the core federal structure. This article probes the effects of the divergent COVID-19 policies on the federation and examines how state responses can, in future, strengthen federation by considering unique regional characteristics within a national context. Advocacy coalitions, such as public health, business and economic, have influenced policy responses, some seeking strict measures to contain the virus others prioritising economic recovery. This study identifies that the divergent and incremental post-pandemic legislation occurring within individual jurisdictions may lead to divisions that may not be beneficial for the next emergency. Rushing into expedient legislation that serves one jurisdiction may not produce optimal outcomes for that state or Australia as a whole, especially when shaped by strong local advocacy coalitions. Longer-term considerations and a more cohesive approach are necessary to ensure best outcomes for the states, territories and the Australian federation.
Ho, Lawrence Ka-Ki, Chi-Shun Fong and Trevor TW Wan, ‘High Level of (Passive) Compliance in a Low-Trust Society: Hong Kong Citizens’ Response Towards the COVID-19 Lockdown’ (2020) Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice Article paaa090 (advance article, published 25 December 2020) Extract: Through revisiting theories of compliance, we aim to unpack the blackbox of the high compliance level in Hong Kong despite widespread reports of erosion of police legitimacy.
Hobbs, Harry and George Williams, ‘Australian Parliaments and the Pandemic’ (2023) 46(4) University of New South Wales Law Journal (forthcoming) Abstract: Parliaments play a crucial role during a pandemic in supporting their community to safely navigate the public health emergency. Parliaments must meet regularly, be provided with sufficient time to debate key measures and issues, exercise legislative oversight, and scrutinise government administration and policy. We examine whether Australian Parliaments met these standards during the covid-19 pandemic. We find that Australian Parliaments often performed poorly.
Hobbs, Harry and George Williams, ‘Did Australian Parliaments Meet Regularly During the COVID-19 Pandemic?’ (2024) 72 Papers on Parliament 20–36 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic posed significant challenges to governments and governance systems all over the world. Faced with a complex and uncertain virus, Australian governments imposed extensive public health controls to protect the community. Borders were closed, dancing was prohibited, and businesses were shuttered. Families were prevented from seeing their loved ones in aged care homes, whole communities were confined to their local government area, and people were banned from meeting 2 or more friends for a walk outside. These measures were not imposed after consideration by parliament; they were implemented by the executive. The executive is uniquely positioned to provide quick, decisive, and flexible responses to protect public health and safety in periods of crisis. However, the actions taken by the executive raised questions about the role of parliament during this time. Australia is a representative democracy governed under a system of responsible government in which the executive answers to the people through their representatives in parliament. One might have expected parliament therefore to come to the fore as a highly visible and deliberative forum for community debate. Parliamentary processes offered the opportunity to scrutinise government measures and to build public trust. A striking feature of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic, however, was the ‘contraction’ of parliament. In this article, drawn from a longer piece in the UNSW Law Journal, we examine and assess how Australian parliaments responded to the pandemic. We divide our paper into 2 substantive parts. Part 1 assesses the core functions of parliament to enable us to identify 4 key roles that parliament should undertake during a public health emergency. Parliament should meet regularly, be provided with sufficient time for debate on key measures and issues, and exercise both legislative and executive oversight. In part 2, we assess Australian parliaments against the first of these functions. We ask whether Australian parliaments met regularly during the pandemic.
Hodge, James G, ‘Federal vs. State Powers in Rush to Reopen Amid the Coronavirus Pandemic’ (2020) Just Security (27 April 2020) Abstract: Despite millions of active infections and tens of thousands of COVID-19 deaths, multiple state governors, led by Georgia Governor Brian Kemp, are actively reopening businesses and withdrawing stay-home orders. President Trump should be elated. The White House has aggressively pushed state efforts to reboot the economy. Yet, the president publicly criticized Kemp for proceeding ‘too soon’ in a rush to reopen. Underlying the political theatrics, the novel coronavirus is exposing a deep rift in American federalism as federal and state governments vie for primacy in remedying the nation’s ills. What powers could the president use to influence state actions whether to impose or lift mitigation measures? What zone of decisions are designated for the states alone?
Hodge Jr., James G, ‘National Legal Paradigms for Public Health Emergency Responses’ (2022) 71(1) American University Law Review 65–109 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed significant weaknesses of the U.S. federalist system in controlling major infectious disease threats. At the root of American failures to adequately respond is a battle over public health primacy in emergency preparedness and response. Which level of government--federal or state--should actually ‘call the shots’ to quell national emergencies? Constitutional principles of cooperative federalism suggest both levels of government are responsible. Yet real-time applications of these principles, coupled with dubious national leadership, contributed to horrific public health outcomes across America. No one seeks a repeat performance of U.S. COVID-19 response efforts to forthcoming major health threats. Avoiding it entails substantial changes. Expansive interpretations and executions of core federal emergency powers illuminate new paradigms for modern public health emergency preparedness and response where states remain key players, but the feds are primary play-callers.
Hodge, James G, ‘Nationalizing Public Health Emergency Legal Responses’ (2021) 49(2) Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics (forthcoming) Abstract: The fight for public health primacy in U.S. emergency preparedness and response to COVID-19 centers on which level of government—federal or state—should ‘call the shots’ to quell national emergencies? Competing and conflicting priorities have contributed to a year-long federalism firestorm. As the melee subsides, a more dominant federal role is a predictable, long-term consequence in the battle plan for the next major public health threat.
Hodge, James G and Leila Barraza, ‘Legal Pitfalls In Response to 2019 Novel Coronavirus’ Slate - Future Tense (online 24 January 2020) Abstract: Since its emergence from Wuhan, China in late 2019, novel coronavirus, 2019-nCoV, is spreading rapidly, escalating domestic and international concerns, and leading to calls for emergency declarations. By now one might think that we are globally prepared for these type of threats given the successful control of prior coronaviruses like SARS and MERS since 2002. Yet, as Paules, Marston, and Fauci observe in their JAMA Viewpoint on January 23, 2020, ‘[t]he emergence of yet another outbreak of human disease caused by a [coronavirus] . . . underscores the perpetual challenge of emerging infectious diseases and the importance of sustained preparedness.’ This commentary explores some of these contemporary challenges.
Hodge, James G, Lauren T Dunning and Jennifer L Piatt, ‘State Public Health Emergency Powers in Response to COVID-19’ (2023) 113(3) American Journal of Public Health 275–279
Hodge, James G and Jennifer L Piatt, ‘COVID’S Counterpunch: State Legislative Assaults on Public Health Emergency Powers’ [2021] BYU Journal of Public Law (forthcoming) Abstract: Amid the most impactful health crisis in over a century, COVID’s “counterpunch” entails aggressive efforts by numerous state legislatures to diminish state and local public health emergency powers. It is an incredulous movement facially supported by a need to appropriately balance economic interests and rights with communal health objectives. At its political core, however, is a “power grab” by legislatures to free their constituents from extensive emergency powers (e.g., social distancing, assembly limits, and business closures). Never mind the fact that these interventions, when used effectively and constitutionally, save lives and reduce morbidity. Public health agents and activists are understandably concerned about diminutions of their express and discretionary emergency powers. Yet affirmative and strategic uses of existing legal remedies examined in this brief commentary may blunt the impact of these legislative proposals.
Hodge, James G, Jennifer L Piatt and Leila Barraza, ‘Legal Interventions to Counter COVID-19 Denialism’ (2021) Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics (forthcoming) Abstract: A series of denialist state laws thwart efficacious public health emergency response efforts despite escalating impacts of the spread of the Delta variant during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, public and private actors are fighting back to obstruct or reverse anti-public health maneuvers through legal challenges focused on (1) constitutional structural- and rights-based challenges; (2) use of conditional spending requirements; (3) federal preemption; (4) disability and other anti-discrimination laws; (5) waivers or routine uses of public health powers; and (6) civil liability claims.
Hofmann, Ekkehard, ‘COVID-19 and the Federal State’ in Kostas Chrysogonos and Anna Tsiftsoglou (eds), Democracy after Covid: Challenges in Europe and Beyond (Springer, 2022) 77–89 Abstract: After almost two years through the pandemic, COVID-19 has proven to be a considerable and specific challenge for liberal states such as the Federal Republic of Germany. Its constitution requires state actors on all levels to take action to protect its citizens against risks entailed by infectious diseases, but also to respect the rule of law and fundamental rights, data protection legislation and institutional arrangements, particularly the relationship between the central level (‘Bund’) and the states (‘Länder’). As it turns out, this federalist structure does not provide for an adequate legal framework when it comes to global pandemics such as COVID-19.
Hohmann, Balázs, ‘The Impact of the Government’s Restrictive Measures on the Transparency of the Administrative Proceeding in the Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic’ in Jeton Shasivari and Balázs Hohmann (eds), Expanding Edges of Today’s Administrative Law (ADJURIS, 2021) 154–162 Abstract: Social distancing has become a distinctive feature of the recent global outbreak of the COVID-19 coronavirus and the government’s response to it. This is also reflected in the way public administration systems perform their tasks and is a comprehensive feature of the way in which national and European public administrations are performing their tasks at the time of the lecture. In this context, the handling of cases in person has been suspended in several countries, and some public administration staff have switched to working from home. This situation has perhaps highlighted even more sharply the phenomenon that had already emerged in national regulations in the context of the electronisation and digitalisation of processes and electronic communication. And in this context, the question rightly arises, which has become even more striking in the current period: will the transparency of public administration, and within it the transparency of the process of public administration in individual cases, towards the client, remain sustainable in the long term if the client and society do not meet the public administration in person, but only through electronic platforms? The study will seek answers to these questions that can be scientifically substantiated.
Holčapek, Tomáš, ‘Judicial Oversight in Times of a Pandemic’ (2021) 12 Czech Yearbook of Public and Private International Law 360–370 Abstract: This paper focuses on judicial decision-making during the Covid-19 pandemic, especially in the area of judicial oversight or review of various restrictive measures adopted in order to protect public health. A pertinent question is how well-equipped courts are to protect individual rights from excessive interference by public authorities at a time when a lot of essential information about nature and severity of the threat, and which counteractions would be the most suitable, is unavailable. Is it a valid point that law is prepared for usual, nonexceptional circumstances, but fails in times of a true crisis? For this purpose, the paper analyses selected case law and evaluates how it approaches a problem which most developed countries are currently attempting to resolve.
Hong, Yuzhe and Kaiju Chen, ‘The Co-Effect of Law and Morality: On the Legitimacy of China’s Quarantine Measures Against COVID-19’ (2021) 1(2) Communication across Borders: Translation & Interpreting 1–8 Abstract: Over the past few decades, the world has seen the dispute between the modern rule of law and traditional rule of morality, and the conflict of these two models of social governance sharpens during COVID-19. The rule of both morality and law in China, which has been criticized by the western world, was proved to be efficient during the campaign against COVID-19. China’s quarantine measures constitute an important part of China’s anti-pandemic combat. At present, such countries like the USA, the UK, and France, which have failed to respond adequately to the pandemic, are trying to condemn China by doubting the legitimacy of China’s quarantine measures to transfer the domestic public sight and cover up their failure. This paper first presents the legal basis of China’s quarantine measures in established laws. It is found that quarantine measures in China have a valid basis in the Chinese legal system. Employing the theory of Five Regulations of Using Public Power, the author then analyses the legitimacy of the operation of China’s quarantine measures. Based on Confucian theories of sacrificial structure and governance, the author finally reviews and evaluates both the practice and the effect of the rule by morality in China’s public administration.
Hooper, Michael, ‘Fighting A Pandemic According to Law: Examining the Legality of Key Elements of China’s Early Covid-19 Response in Wuhan’ (2021) 48(2) University of Western Australia Law Review 330–351 Abstract: Scholars remain divided over the meaning of rule of law in China. In this context, the Chinese state’s response to COVID-19 provides insight into the role of law in emergencies in China. This article describes the debates surrounding China’s rule of law claims; some of the most well-known pandemic control measures taken in Wuhan during the earlyoutbreak, including the case of Li Wenliang and the Wuhan lockdown; and the legal basis for those measures.
Horák, Filip, ‘Legal Regulation of Emergency Governance in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic. Decision to Declare the State of Emergency’ [2021] (6) Pravnik / Lawyer 483–484 Abstract: The article analyses the declaration the State of Emergency according to the Constitutional Act on the Security of the Czech Republic in the context of the current Covid-19 pandemic. The decision to declare the State of Emergency is characterized as a normative, constitutive act of the government without direct and immediate effect on the legal sphere of persons, which can be classified in the hierarchy of legal norms as law. Thus, the paper rejects the conclusion that such an act could be an administrative act or a non-legal (purely political) act. The article further analyses the possible defects of this act and divides them into three groups depending on their intensity and consequences. The most intense defects should make the act void. Defects that are less intense, but as a result of which the essentials of a democratic state governed by the rule of law are affected, should lead to the reviewability and possible revocability of the act by the Constitutional Court. Finally, defects of the lowest intensity should be covered by the so-called Fehlerkalkül theory, and therefore unreviewable. In conclusion, the article also deals with the control of the declaration of the State of Emergency by the Chamber of Deputies and the judicial review of this act. Regarding control by the Chamber of Deputies, a space is devoted particularly to the issue of the possibility of the State of Emergency ‘re-declaration’ contrary to the will of the Chamber of Deputies. Concerning judicial review, the article excludes review by administrative courts and only allows for limited review by the Constitutional Court.
Hosseini Sadrabadi, Iraj, ‘The Legal System of the Health Emergency Condition to Fight against the Covid-19 Epidemic in France’ (2022) Journal of Law Research (advance article, published online 5 July 2022) Abstract: The crisis and the situation caused by the corona virus, which started in late 2019 in Wuhan, China, were not limited to that area and became increasingly known as a pandemic on a mondial scale. The health risks of this virus were so great compared to similar viruses that now a large number of patients, along with a large number of victims, have a worrying future. In these circumstances, the public authorities, including the government, the parliament and other public authorities and institutions of France, took measures and decisions regarding the mentioned circumstances. All the measures taken or anticipated have been designed to allow the French health system to better cope with the growth of the coronavirus. From the point of view of public law and, of course, administrative law, this issue has given rise to challenges and debates in the area of the type, scope of measures and also the legal basis for creating a health emergency within the legal community. The government was looking for a stronger juridic base. To this end, the French government, in addition to legislative measures, on March 18, 2020, two bills, one on the organic law on the conduct of the Constitutional Council in the processing of complaints related to the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, and the other on Common law, under the title of emergency measures to deal with the epidemic, he presented the Covid 19 to the French Senate, which has become the legal basis for government.
Hoxhaj, Andi and Fabian Zhilla, ‘The Impact of Covid-19 Measures on the Rule of Law in the Western Balkans and the Increase of Authoritarianism’ (2021) 8(4) European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 271–303 Abstract: This article offers a comparative analysis of the covid-19 legal measures and model of governance adopted in the Western Balkans countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo) and its impact on the state of the rule of law, and ability of parliament and civil society to scrutinise government decisions. The article assesses the governments’ approaches to introducing and enforcing covid-19 legal measures, and shows examples of how covid-19 has exposed more openly the weaknesses in the existing system of checks and balances in the Western Balkans. The article offers new insights into how covid-19 presented a new opportunity for leaders in the Western Balkans to implement further their authoritarian model of governance in undermining the rule of law. This article offers suggestions on how the EU could respond, through its accession conditionality instruments and civil society, to redirect this trend towards more state capture.
Hsu, Shi-Ling, ‘Anti-Science Politics’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3686222, 3 September 2020) Abstract: Political attacks against scientists and scientific research are nothing new, though the Trump Administration appears to have increased both the breadth and the depth of such attacks. What is new, it seems, are attacks on science that are not in service of protecting any regulated industry that can provide political benefits. Under the Trump Administration, the attacks on science are more systemic, and aimed more at reducing scientific capacity in the federal government, rather than mere one-off policy interventions. The essay suggests that the Trump Administration, more than previous administrations, has sought to use science as part of a political culture war, reviving a populist suspicion of intellectuals that has a long and cyclical history in American culture. This current episode of anti-intellectualism, while targeting the social sciences as past episodes have, has also uniquely targeted the biological and physical sciences, the difference being that findings in these fields are more firmly grounded in empirical fact than in the social sciences. The Trump Administration’s attacks on science, writ larger, are non-epistemic in nature, seeking to build an ideology of hostility to science. This strategy builds upon a decades-long and continuing misinformation campaign to discredit climate scientists, but goes further, seeking to portray scientists as part of the ‘deep state’ that is conspiring to victimize Americans. To be sure, federal funding for most research unrelated to industry regulation remains robust, even higher in some programs. But a manufactured suspicion of ‘regulatory science’ (relating to industry regulation) has begun to bleed ominously over into policy arenas completely outside of regulation. The Trump Administration’s policy meanderings to deal with the covid-19 crisis are emblematic of a growing and systemic subjugation of science to political objectives, ones that can be bizarrely unscientific. A number of cultural, political, and economic factors contribute to this latest resurgence of anti-intellectualism, one with a unique animus towards the hard sciences. A restoration of endangered and broken societal norms governing the advancement of science will require vigorous enforcement of federal administrative laws, but will also require the development of government policies that address the cultural, political, and economic roots of this latest crisis of science.
Huang, Irving Yi-Feng, ‘Fighting COVID-19 through Government Initiatives and Collaborative Governance: The Taiwan Experience’ (2020) 80(4) Public Administration Review 665–670 Abstract: Taiwan is situated less than 200 kilometers from the first COVID-19 outbreak state, China, and it has millions of international visitors yearly. Taiwan’s collective efforts to block and eliminate the invisible enemy (COVID-19) from the island have resulted in relatively low infection and death numbers and have been hailed as a successful anomaly amid the global pandemic. This review provides some background on the systems and organizations that helped Taiwan streamline a task force (command center) in a timely manner to launch related initiatives, mobilize the public, and engage private resources to implement strategies and policies that were further enhanced by collaborative behaviors and volunteers. Even subject to threatening conditions such as cruise ship stopover and numerous foreign immigrant workers, there were no outbreaks of community infection in Taiwan similar to those in Singapore, Japan, and other countries. Taiwan’s successful measures offer a good example for future comparative studies.
Huang, Peter H, ‘Put More Women in Charge and Other Leadership Lessons from COVID-19’ (2020) 15(2) FIU Law Review 353–421 Abstract: COVID-19 teaches us lessons about leadership, the most important of which is to put more women in charge. This Article provides an interdisciplinary analysis of these lessons, which come at the very high price of many forever disrupted and lost human lives. COVID-19 is a global tragedy. COVID-19 can also be a cruel, relentless and unforgiving teacher of valuable lessons about leadership. During COVID-19, leaders had to quickly mobilize many resources and convince many people to change their established behaviors and familiar routines. Leaders had to rely on effective and persuasive communication to achieve buy-in and voluntary compliance by a diverse public. This is because enforcement of non-compliance is effectively infeasible. This Article introduces the phrase, thoughtful leadership, to describe such leadership and leadership communications. In response to COVID-19, some leaders have been compassionate, courageous, data-based, decisive, and kind. These leaders’ communications with the media and the public were calm, caring, clear, empathetic, honest, science-driven, and transparent. This Article analyzes what leaders who were more successful during COVID-19 did and said. During COVID-19, women were many of the most admired and more successful leaders. These female leaders of cities, states and nations were exemplary. There were also some exemplary male leaders. This Article considers explanations and theories about why so many women leaders were among the most successful during COVID-19. This Article profiles in some detail three exemplars of leadership: New Zealand prime minister Jacinda Ardern, Secretary to the Governor of New York Melissa DeRosa, and New York state governor Andrew Cuomo. Finally, thoughtful leadership is applicable to parenting and teaching.
Huberfeld, Nicole, ‘Federalism, Leadership, and COVID-19: Evolving Lessons for the Public’s Health’ in Glenn I Cohen et al (eds), COVID-19 and the Law: Disruption, Impact and Legacy (Cambridge University Press, 2023) 153–166 Abstract: The default governance architecture for public and individual health care in the United States is federalism, the division of responsibility between federal and state governments. A public health emergency such as a pandemic typically produces swift federal actions to support affected individuals, businesses, and states. Such actions include exercising executive emergency power to disseminate supplies, enacting relief bills, and triggering agencies to facilitate financial and regulatory relief. An emergency also typically involves coordination between federal and state governments, as state and local public health officials need federal funding and guidance but also perform key functions such as isolation orders, testing, contact tracing, and vaccine dissemination. In the case of COVID-19, some of the usual patterns have been disrupted. The two major federal response bills enacted in March 2020 followed prior playbooks, offering financial assistance such as increased Medicaid funding and unemployment insurance benefits as well as novel policies such as paid leave to care for COVID-19-positive relatives. The bills largely relied on states to take up funds, implement emergency assistance, and exercise regulatory options to reach those harmed by the pandemic and its attendant recession. This approach built on states’ preexisting policies, heightening differences between states and intensifying the pandemic’s inequitable impact. This chapter evaluates the atypical federal pandemic response – which witnessed an executive branch rejecting much of the centralized responsibility necessary for addressing emergencies – and the wildly variable state response – some of which prioritized politics over health, and all of which depended on the strength of preexisting social programs – to determine the legacy of the novel coronavirus for federalism in public health emergencies.
Huberfeld, Nicole, Sarah H Gordon and David K Jones, ‘Federalism Complicates the Response to the COVID-19 Health and Economic Crisis: What Can Be Done?’ (2020) 45(6) Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 951–965 Abstract: Federalism has complicated the US response to the novel coronavirus. States’ actions to address the pandemic have varied widely, and federal and state officials have provided conflicting messages. This fragmented approach has surely cost time and lives. Federalism will shape the long-term health and economic impacts of COVID-19, including plans for the future, for at least two reasons: First, federalism exacerbates inequities, as some states have a history of underinvesting in social programs, especially in certain communities. Second, many of the states with the deepest needs are poorly equipped to respond to emergencies due to low taxes and distrust of government, leading to inadequate infrastructure. These dynamics are not new, but they have been laid bare by this crisis. What can policy makers do to address the inequities in health and economic outcomes that federalism intensifies? The first section of this article offers a case study of the Mississippi Delta to illustrate the role of federalism in perpetuating the connection between place, health, and economics. The second section examines challenges that safety net programs will face when moving beyond the acute phase of COVID-19. The final section explores near-, middle-, and long-term policy options to mitigate federalism’s harmful side effects.
Husni, Mahdi Syahbandir, Muhammad Ya’kub Aiyub Kadir and Teuku Ahmad Dadek, ‘Legal Constraints on the Enforcement of Covid-19 Health Protocol in Indonesia’ (2021) 21(1) Medico Legal Update 1601-1611 Abstract: The positive number of Covid-19 in Indonesia continues to increase and there are no signs of decreasing. This increase was triggered by the implementation of the new normal, long holidays and uncontrolled crowds. And none of this is accompanied by enforcement of health protocol laws (wearing masks, washing hands, maintaining distance and not crowding). This paper examines the legal constraints of enforcing health protocols with normative legal method through library research. The results of his research show firstly, the absence of positive laws that can be used as the basis for law enforcement of health protocols, causing bias in its implementation and health protocols regulated by the Minister of Health Regulation which is not part of the source of positive Indonesian law. Second, the recently issued legal regulations to regulate the enforcement of health protocols are not in accordance with the legal hierarchy prevailing in the Indonesian legal system. Third, specifically for crowd management, the police did not use their authority in accordance with the Criminal Code because it was not prepared to control the Covid-19 crowd, causing multiple interpretations and becoming polemic in the political realm. This study suggests that the Government of Indonesia enact a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law on Health Protocol Enforcement and provide additional authority to regional heads (governors and regents/mayors) in determining disaster emergencies to also issue regional head regulations in lieu of regional regulations and so that district governments/city and province to propose regent/mayor and governor regulations to become regional regulations that get parliamentary approval.
Imalingat, Tara, Nerima Were and Allan Maleche, ‘Political Opportunism and Pandemic Mismanagement in Kenya’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 181 Abstract: More than a year after the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in Kenya, the country had still not declared a state of emergency. The pandemic, and Kenya’s response to it, exposed a blatant disregard for the rule of law and human rights and a derogation of constitutional principles. This chapter examines the authorities’ response, arguing that when the executive opted not to declare emergency powers it acted outside of the constitutional framework and undermined the rule of law. The effect of this conduct was the heightened erosion of human rights, especially of marginalised communities, and the deepening of inequality. The chapter concludes by offering a set of recommendations that may strengthen Kenya’s constitutional democracy and its response to future emergencies.
Ip, Eric C, ‘Hong Kong: The Unprecedented Promulgation of Public Health Emergency Regulations against the COVID-19 Outbreak’ [2020] Public Law 580–582 Abstract: Examines the public health emergency regulations passed by Hong Kong in response to the coronavirus pandemic under the Prevention and Control of Disease Ordinance s.8. Details the scope of the powers, their key features, such as a compulsory quarantine period for new arrivals, and the context in which they were made. Reviews the constitutional principles available to prevent such measures from violating the rule of law, including proportionality.
Iqbal, Ayesha and Amjad Iqbal Falak, ‘COVID-19 Epidemic in Pakistan: Review on Precautionary Measures (Law Policy, Governance) and Impact on Pakistan’ (2022) 3(3) International Journal of Economics Development Research (IJEDR) 236–244 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has ruined the worldwide economy. The study intended to evaluate the pandemic effects on the Pakistan economy, openly emphasizing economic growth and poverty alleviation and the efforts take to control pandemic in the country. The investigation discovered that the pandemic affects the financial development of the country, and the measure taken by the official though their policy law and good governance are the good initiatives to decrease pandemic effect in the country.
Isaq, Mohammad, ‘Navigating Legal Terrain: The Interplay of Human Rights and Judicial Review Law in the COVID-19 Era’ (2024) 13(2) Leicester Student Law Review 74–88
Ismulail, Andi Muhammad Rifqi et al, ‘The Effectiveness of Palu Mayor Regulation Number 19 of 2020 Concerning the Implementation of Discipline and Law Enforcement of Health Protocols as an Effort to Prevent and Control Covid 19 in Palu City’ (2023) 4(1) Journal of Aafiyah Health Research (JAHR) 18–30 Abstract: The Increasing Cases of the Covid 19 Pandemic to Indonesia, As a form of emergency response, the Palu City Government of Central Sulawesi Province stipulated Palu Mayor Regulation number 19 of 2020 concerning the implementation of discipline and law enforcement of health protocols as an effort to prevent and control corona virus disease 2019. The purpose of this study is to Analyze in Depth the Effectiveness of Palu Mayor Regulation Number 19 of 2020 concerning the Implementation of Discipline and Law Enforcement of Health Protocols as an Effort to Prevent and Control Covid 19 in Palu City based on input, process and output factors. Inputs, processes and outputs do not run in accordance with Palu Mayor Regulation Number 19 of 2020 because they are less firm and binding and coercive in the field and there are still communities, both individuals and business actors, who violate rules related to the implementation of discipline and law enforcement of health protocols. The suggestion is to be more assertive and remain consistent in providing education and awareness to the public in implementing health protocols, especially in the city of Palu.
István, Hoffman and Balázs István, ‘Administrative Law in the Time of Corona (Virus): Resilience and Trust-Building’ (2021) 6(1) Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 35–50 Abstract: The Hungarian administrative law has been significantly impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic. Several rules – which were introduced during the state of danger based on the epidemic situation – have been incorporated into the Hungarian legal system. The administrative procedural law has been influenced by the epidemic transformation. However, the rules on e-administration have not been reformed significantly (due to the digitalisation reforms of the last years), but the rules on administrative licenses and permissions have been amended. The priority of the general code on administrative procedure has been weakened: new, simplified procedure and regime have been introduced. The local self-governance has been impacted by the reforms. The transformation has had two, opposite trends. On the one hand, the Hungarian administrative system became more centralised during the last year: municipal revenues and task performance have been partly centralised. The Hungarian municipal system has been concentrated, as well. The role of the second-tier government, the counties (megye), has been strengthened by the establishment of the special economic (investment) zones. On the other hand, the municipalities could be interpreted as a ‘trash can’ of the Hungarian public administration: they received new, mainly unpopular competences on the restrictions related to the pandemic. Although these changes have been related to the current epidemic situation, it seems, that the ‘legislative background’ of the pandemic offered an opportunity to the central government to pass significant reforms. From 2021 a new phenomenon can be observed: the state of danger has remained, but the majority of the restrictions have been terminated by the Government of Hungary. Therefore, the justification of the state of danger during the summer of 2021 became controversial in Hungarian public discourse.
Ivan, Angela S, ‘Convergent and Divergent Legal Trends in Addressing the CORONAVIRUS Pandemic at the EU Level’ (2021) 14(63) Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov. Series VII: Social Sciences and Law 37–42 Abstract: The greatest humanitarian crisis of the 21st century, triggered by the pandemic emergence and spread of the Covid-19 coronavirus, has caused all European Union States to identify and apply rapid solutions to limit and stop this humanitarian disaster. The ways approached by each Member State in achieving this desideratum were different depending on the potential of assistance and endowment of the hospitals but also on the legal and legislative measures applied. The different percentages of the level of vaccination of the population that vary from state to state show how important is the unitary approach of information measures, strategic organization but also the convergent legislative correlation at the European Union level in stopping this scourge. The percentage of vaccination has proved to be closely linked to saving lives, a conclusion which leads to the need to address a convergent strategy across EU Member States on the measures needed to achieve the highest possible percentage of vaccination at the level of all EU Member States to stop this virus and return to normality.
Iwasaki, Masaki, ‘Segmentation of Social Norms and Emergence of Social Conflicts Through COVID-19 Laws’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 4021862, 31 January 2022) Abstract: In the name of combating COVID-19, many countries have enacted laws that restrict citizens’ freedom of movement and freedom to operate businesses. These laws attempt to use the expressive effects of law and legal sanctions to make people conform to legal norms different from pre-existing social norms. The economic theory of law and social norms predicts that when legal norms deviate significantly from social norms, they can cause people to protest or violate them, leading to a division of social norms and possible social conflicts not only between the state and its citizens but also among people with different beliefs. Using Japan’s COVID-19 laws as a case study, this paper examines under what conditions laws that aim to change social norms can fail and what the side effects are in such cases. In Japan, we have seen a fragmentation of social norms, with the emergence of citizens pejoratively called ‘self-restraint police,’ who enforce behavioral restrictions illegally on others and rural residents who interfere with and harass urban citizens returning to their hometowns. Such informal surveillance among residents during the pandemic recalls the government’s misuse of neighborhood organizations during World War II to encourage residents to monitor each other. Also, the government’s over-hyping of the dangers of COVID-19 has led to discrimination against patients and health care workers, an alarming echo of Japan’s history of discrimination and lifelong isolation of leprosy patients.
Jacobs, Carolien et al, ‘Containing COVID-19 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Government Measures and Women’s Compliance’ (2021) 65(S2) Journal of African Law 287–310 Abstract: This article concerns the unfolding COVID-19 pandemic in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It analyses the sanitary measures that the government has taken to respond to the pandemic since March 2020, the way these measures are enforced, and the extent to which women comply with the measures. The article draws from desk research and empirical data from the eastern city of Bukavu, where the research team conducted 134 structured interviews. The findings show widespread willingness to comply with some of the main measures because of fear of sanctions, fear of the pandemic and because of trust in the state or church. The article argues that many women hold the state accountable for the success in containing the virus, but also criticize the state for not providing livelihood assistance during the state of emergency. Further research is needed to assess the impact of COVID-19 on state legitimacy.
Jacobson, Peter D, Denise Chrysler and Jessica Bresler, ‘Executive Decision Making for COVID-19: Public Health Science through a Political Lens’ in Scott Burris et al (eds), Assessing Legal Responses to COVID-19 (Public Health Law Watch, 2020) 34–39 Abstract: Executive decision making is the crux of using law to achieve public health objectives. But public health codes and emergency declaration laws are not self-executing. In this chapter, we examine how elected officials and public health officers have used their legal authority to address the COVID-19 pandemic. We begin with an overview of an executive decision-making tool for public health officials. Then we describe the general legal background in which these decisions have been made. Next, we apply the decision-making tool to how governors in eight states have determined whether to issue stay-at-home orders and when to relax these restrictions. In this section, we focus on the criteria governors used to re-open the state’s economy and additional restrictions, such as mask wearing, as a condition of reopening. We examined the states’ political party control, the use of public health science, and equity considerations. We conclude that the COVID-19 response represents federalism at work, with considerable variation across the sample states, and that the public health science is filtered through a very thick political lens. In short, governors making political decisions drove the process, not public health officials relying on the best available science. We conclude with recommendations for future action.
Jafari, Ahmad, Hamid Abhari and Sam Mohammadi, ‘A Comparative Study of Civil Responsibility of Government towards Users the Covid 19 Vaccine in Iran and US Law’ (2023) Comparative Law Review (forthcoming) Abstract: Corona virus or Covid-19 is a disease which affected most of the countries for many year such as Iran and America and caused lots of difficulties and suffering for governments and people. Now days one of the important matters regarding the civil responsibilities of the government is transmission and spread of Corona virus among people. Due to that the aim of this project is to comparatively analysis the conditions of the civil responsibility of government towards the use of Covid-19 vaccination and methods of compensation in the Iranian and US Law system. Writer of this article tried to refer to the subject by sticking to descriptive-analytic method to explain the adaptation of the civil liability of legal system of Iran and America and find out the differences between them. Results obtained from this research show the government responsibility plan regarding this epidemic disease. It means the action or decision by the authorities can lead the responsibility of the government. Also, in US Law system to compensate the lost and damages caused by this covid-19 vaccination the compensation fund and civil responsibility insurance to compensate this case is established. And other achievements are that the government's exemption from non-judgment damages is exceptional and the main principles of the necessity require compensating unjust loss. The government can only cite it when it is sure that it has legal documentations.
Jain, Abhishek, ‘Analysis of Legal Measures Of COVID-19 in India’ (2021) 3(2) International Journal of Advanced Research on Law and Governance 23–31 Abstract: The following is a brief analysis of the topic under the following heads:- Introduction, Function of Epidemic Disease Act, The Power of State during Pandemic, rules regarding right to privacy, The Need for a Legal Framework for Epidemic Preparedness and Response and Conclusion. Many people across the globe lost their lives during the lockdown. Many activities like transportation, sports, recreational, and others were motionless during the lockdown. The burden of the State increases to provide basic needs to the people without violating their rights. Several legal frameworks assisted the administration to safeguard the people. Moreover, the lockdown violates the rights of people. The violated rights were education, life, privacy and health, etc.
Jamshidi, Maryam, ‘The Federal Government Probably Can’t Order Statewide Quarantines’ (2020) University of Chicago Law Review Online (20 April 2020) Abstract: On Saturday, March 28, 2020, President Donald Trump floated the possibility of issuing a ‘quarantine’ order for the states of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut because of their numerous COVID-19 cases. Later that day, Trump backtracked and declared that a quarantine order would ‘not be necessary.’ While quarantines can differ in type and scope, they generally involve restricting the movement of those exposed or potentially exposed to an infectious disease during its period of communicability.As for Trump’s quarantine order, it is unclear what it would have required: whether it would have affected all three states in their entirety or just partially, mandated that all people in those states stay at home, prohibited all travel into and out of those states, or some combination of these. What is certain, however, is that under current federal law, the president does not have authority to issue a quarantine order that is effectively statewide, including prohibiting all or nearly all travel within a state or into and out of the state. It is also unlikely that Congress could give the president new authority to do so under its Commerce Clause power, which is the basis for the current federal law on quarantine. As COVID-19 continues to radically change daily life in the United States, it is vital to understand the limits on federal authority over mandatory, statewide quarantines—not only to avoid pitched legal battles between the government, quarantined individuals, and the states, but also to deal with current and future pandemics. Involuntary quarantines are often ineffective at resolving such health crises. Expanding federal power in this area is, as such, unlikely to be an effective health measure, both currently and going forward.
Jasanoff, Sheila and Stephen Hilgartner, ‘A Stress Test for Politics: A Comparative Perspective on Policy Responses to COVID-19’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 289 Abstract: This chapter presents interim findings of the Comparative Covid Response (CompCoRe) study, a qualitative comparison of policy responses to COVID-19 in 16 countries begun in April 2020 <
https://compcore.cornell.edu/>. To contain the virus, governments around the world enacted extraordinary limits on personal freedom and economic activity. National policies and outcomes varied dramatically. Some countries achieved a coherent response and significant degree of control in the arenas of health, economics and politics. Others achieved public consensus on how to proceed, but with mixed results. Still others experienced policy chaos, with extensive conflict in all three arenas. The virus seemed to target structural weaknesses in health, economic and political systems, revealing tacit assumptions about science and public reason that guide governance in different countries. These assumptions typically are not formally codified, but they are a crucial part of the constitutional orders of contemporary societies and deeply shape relationships between the state, scientific experts and citizens.
Jashari, Murat, Behar Selimi and Islam Pepaj, ‘Political and Constitutional Approach Toward Covid 19: The Cases of Kosovo and Croatia’ (2021) 42(3) Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 817–834 Abstract: This paper analyzes the political and constitutional confrontation of Kosovo and Croatia with the COVID-19 pandemic. The similarities of the constitutional provisions governing emergencies and possible restrictions on human freedoms and rights in both countries, alongside hybrid parliamentary systems with strong presidents, have produced the same approaches, respectively similar in political and constitutional terms as well as in academic and professional aspect. Therefore, this paper is focused more on government responses to the situation, including divergences between presidents and governments, as well as constitutional court approaches and respective academic opinions on the subject axis: extraordinary measures within the ordinary or extraordinary legal order with a formal declaration of a ‘State of Emergency’. Both countries set out for the first model, contenting themselves with amending legal frameworks without a formal declaration of a state of emergency. How and why, it happened is explained in the second and third parts of the paper, resulting in conclusions and recommendations.
Jefferies, Regina and Jane McAdam, ‘Locked Down and Locked Out: Australia’s COVID-19 Restrictions on Internal Movement’ (2024) 42(1) Australian Year Book of International Law 39–86
Jilkine, Vladimir, ‘COVID-19 Pandemic and Changes to Finland’s Legislation in Line with the WHO Guidelines’ (2022) 22(1) SOCRATES: Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 13-23 Abstract: The article analyses new legislative amendments in Finland, including an interim amendment to the Infectious Diseases Act, which aims to protect the life and health of clients and patients using social and medical services. The rapid spread of the number of cases of coronavirus infection in Finland, including the new Omicron strain, required urgent measures and new amendments to the legislation. Therefore, in the context of the overall fight against the coronavirus pandemic in the world, these provisions of the Finnish Constitution are a transition from the absolute priority of universally recognised norms of international law to the priority of the Basic Law, subject to the condition of the inadmissibility of guaranteed restriction of human rights. Finland’s desire to comply with the global integration processes in the context of persisting risks of the spread of coronavirus infection has led to digital harmonisation of legislation and legal norms in accordance with the principles of international law. The amendments to Finnish legislation were based on the enshrined provisions of the Constitution and the existing international legal framework, considering possibilities for responding to pandemic and transboundary emergencies in accordance with WHO guidelines.
Jimenez, Luis Arroyo and Mariolina Eliantonio, ‘Masks, Gloves, Exports Licences and Composite Procedures: Implementing Regulation 2020/402 and the Limelight of Accountability’ (2020) 11(2) European Journal of Risk Regulation Special Issue-‘Taming COVID-19 by Regulation’ 382-389 Abstract: The European Union (EU) response to the health emergency we are currently confronting has led to very different measures. Here, we will focus on one of them: Commission Implementing Regulation 2020/402, which imposes restrictions on exports of personal protective equipment with effect from 15 March 2020, for a period of six weeks, ending on 26 April 2020. ... This contribution proceeds as follows. First, we place the administrative procedure sketched by Implementing Regulation 2020/402 in the context of the doctrinal discussion on the types of composite procedures. Subsequently, we present the judicial review concerns that can be raised with respect to this particular type of composite procedure, exploring some possible ways to address them in this particular case in view of how the Court of Justice has dealt in the past with somewhat similar cooperation arrangements. We then reach a conclusion on how to fill the gaps in the judicial control of the composite procedure for export authorisation, advancing two possible analogies with the case law of the Court of Justice.
Johnson, Graeme and Sascha Kouvelis, ‘COVID-19 and the Legislative Drafters’ (2020) 94(5) Australian Law Journal 319–322 Abstract: The Australian Constitutions and the rule of law require that much by way of regulatory action is taken either directly through statute or indirectly by means of delegated legislation. There are of course many soft laws underneath this fabric such as guidelines, notices, instruments and orders being necessary to implement and execute these laws. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic has required the legislatures to act with haste. In turn this has necessitated the various offices of the legislative drafters (many of course who are women) to apply their skills under more than the usual daily pressure they face. The persons who perform these tasks go largely unheralded. Quietly and efficiently they create what becomes law in addition to much that may never become law.
Johnson, Raine, ‘A Comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia’s COVID-19 Public Health Policy Response’ (Binghamton University, Working Papers Series No 9, 1 January 2021) Abstract: In an effort to understand why two Southeast Asian countries with similar freedom scores, religious demographics, and cultures took a different approach to the novel coronavirus, this paper identifies and analyzes Indonesia and Malaysia’s public health policies from March to May of 2020. There was a stark difference between the two government’s attitudes toward a nation-wide lockdown. Whereas Indonesia refused to implement national stay-at-home measures despite legislators and citizens’ call to do so, its counterpart adopted comprehensive, nationally mandated lockdown policies. This paper argues that Indonesia’s political elites’ denial of the pandemic threat and incumbents’ economic and religious anxieties as well as the nation’s federal institutional design dictated its lackluster policy response. Comparatively, after the resolution of Malaysia’s political turmoil, the new incumbent was enabled by the country’s federal institutional design to create effective policies that prioritized health and safety over the short-term political concerns.
Johnson, Walter G and Gary E Marchant, ‘Legislating in the Time of a Pandemic: Window of Opportunity or Invitation for Recklessness?’ (2020) 7(1) Journal of Law and the Biosciences Article lsaa042 Abstract: The COVID-19 epidemic has been exacerbated by failures in diagnostic testing for the virus in the United States. In response to these problems, two bills have been introduced in Congress to not only reform emergency use of diagnostic tests, but to fundamentally reform diagnostics regulation in non-emergencies. There has been a long-standing recognition that current U.S. regulation of diagnostics is outdated and problematic, and the history of public health legislation is that emergencies and crises have been the primary motivating factor to break Congressional inertia and to implement new legislation. Thus, the COVID-19 may create a useful ‘window of opportunity’ to pass much-needed legislative reform of diagnostic regulation in both emergency and non-emergency contexts. At the same time, rushing radical legislative changes, especially if they have not been subject to careful stakeholder engagement and Congressional deliberation in advance, is precarious and could result in reckless and disruptive changes. We review and apply the historical lessons of legislating in response to a crisis and conclude the one but not both of the pending legislative proposals may satisfy the criteria for an appropriate opportunistic change for diagnostics regulation.
Jones, Nicky, ‘Law and the International Community: Looking Into the (Post-COVID-19) Future’ (Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Indonesian Legal Studies, ICILS 2020, 1 July 2020, Semarang, Indonesia) 2021
Jurisdiction: Australia Abstract: This article aims to discuss the global legal challenges in the post-COVID 19. One of the most visible challenges is the human rights challenge created by the COVID-19 restrictions has been the focus of serious debate in Australia. In the state of Queensland, legislation enacted on 18 March 2020 empowers the Chief Health Officer ('CHO’) and other emergency officers to implement social distancing measures, including arranging mass gatherings, isolating or quarantining people suspected or known to have been exposed to COVID -19. These restrictions affect movement and gatherings across communities in contexts such as schools, higher education, hospital, court proceedings, family gatherings, sporting and community events, public entertainment, tourism, travel and vacations. There are many reasons why governments limit the human rights of its citizens. The challenge for society and government is to ensure that any restrictions on human rights are reasonable and justifiable.
Jonski, Kamil and Wojciech Rogowski, ‘Evidence-Based Policymaking during the COVID-19 Crisis: Regulatory Impact Assessments and the Polish COVID-19 Restrictions’ (2023) 14(1) European Journal of Risk Regulation 65–77 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic transformed our understanding of the state’s role during a public health crisis and introduced an array of unprecedented policy tools: ever-stricter travel restrictions, lockdowns and closures of whole branches of the economy. Evidence-based policymaking seems to be the gold standard of such high-stakes policy interventions. This article presents an empirical investigation into the regulatory impact assessments accompanying sixty-four executive acts (regulations) introducing anti-pandemic restrictions in Poland over the first year of the pandemic. To this end, the study utilises the so-called scorecard methodology, which is popular in regulatory impact assessment research. This methodology highlights the shallowness of these documents and the accompanying processes, with an absence not only of a sound evidence base behind specific anti-pandemic measures or estimates of their economic impacts, but even of the comparative data on restrictions introduced in other European Union/Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Overall, the collected data support the hypothesis that the ad hoc pandemic management process crowded out the law-making process through tools such as regulatory impact assessments and consultations. In other words, the genuine decision-making occurred elsewhere (with the exact process being largely invisible to public opinion and scholars) and drafting legal texts simply codified these decisions, with the law-making process becoming mere window-dressing.
Joyce, Paul, Fabienne Maron and Purshottama Sivanarain Reddy (eds), Good Public Governance in a Global Pandemic (The International Institute of Administrative Sciences, 2020) OPEN ACCESS BOOK Contents:
Part I
- Geert Bouckaert, ‘What the Coronavirus and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have in common: An Administrative Science Perspective’ 27John-Mary Kauzya, ‘Reflections on the COVID-19 Pandemic and its Impact on the Implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and SDGs’ 35
- ‘Citizen’s Trust in Public Administration in Times of Crisis – Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic - Administrative Behavior in Times of Crisis’ Rahel M Schomaker, Moritz Kappler and Michael W Bauer 45
Part II: Eyewitness Reports
- Rebecca Cross, ‘Australia - The COVID-19 Pandemic - Australian Capital Territory’ - Interview conducted by John Halligan 59
- Guoqing Hao, ‘Challenges, Practices and Reflections - Local Public Management Agencies in the Prevention and Control of COVID-19 Epidemic’ 63
- Branko Kolarić, ‘Croatia - The Croatian Experience in Fighting the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 67
- Amitava Basu, ‘India - COVID 19 Pandemic: Early Lessons for Public Governance in India - Policy and Implementation Challenges & Operational Modalities’ 71
- Emil Boc, ‘Romania - The City of Cluj Napoca Facing the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 75
- Zwelini Mkhize, ‘South Africa - The COVID-19 Pandemic in South Africa: Early Lessons for Public Governance’ 79
- Youngmee Jee, ‘South Korea - Making Sense of South Korea’s Response to COVID-19’ 85
- Beatriz Morán Márquez, ‘Spain: How to Activate Agenda 2030 in Times of Pandemic?’ 89
- Luis Herrera, ‘Spain: Telework as a Public Innovation Strategy’ 93
- Esperanza Zambrano Gómez, ‘Spain: Responses to COVID-19 Pandemic: Early Lessons for Public Governance Transparency and Good Governance’ 97
- Asma Sehiri Laabidi, ‘Tunisia’s success in shielding the Elderly from the ravaging Epidemic of Corona Virus’ 101
- Savas Zafer Sahin, ‘Turkey’s COVID-19 Pandemic Response from a Practitioners Perspective’ 105
Part III: National Reports
Africa
- Bacha Kebede Debela, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Ethiopian Public Administration: Responses and Challenges’ 113Ukertor Gabriel Moti and Jeremiah Tersur Vambe, ‘National Experiences and Responses of Nigeria in Dealing with the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 125
- Zwelini Mkhize and Purshottama Sivanarain Reddy, ‘The South African Response and Experience in Dealing with COVID-19’ 135
- Rose Bakenegura Namara, Lazarus Nabaho, Gerald Kagambirwe Karyeija, James L. Nkata and Rajab Lukwago, ‘Uganda’s National Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: Measures and Implications for Public Governance’ 147
Asia
- Manchuan Wang’ Responses of the Central Government of China to COVID-19 Pandemic: Major Decisions and Lessons’ 161
- Amitava Basu, ‘India - COVID 19 Pandemic: Early Lessons for Public Governance’ 171
- Reza Fathurrahman, Krisna Puji Rahmayanti and Eko Prasojo, ‘Towards an Integrated Policy, Strong Governance, and High Citizen Awareness on Disaster Response: Case Study of COVID-19 Control Measures in Indonesia’ 181
- Hideaki Shiroyama, ‘Japan’s Response to the COVID-19’ 195
- Celia Lee, ‘Responses of Singapore to COVID-19 Pandemic: The Whole-of Government Approach’ 205
- Tobin Im, ‘COVID-19 National Report on South Korea - Competitive Bureaucratic Leadership Taking Lessons from Prior Experiences’ 221
Oceania
* John Halligan, ‘Australia’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 233
Europe
- Ivan Koprić, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic: Croatian Government Response’ 247
- David Špaček, ‘COVID-19 – National Government Approach in the Czech Republic’ 259
- Katju Holkeri and Johanna Nurmi, ‘Finland - The National Government Experience Facing the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 269
- Céline Du Boys, Christophe Alaux, Jean-Michel Eymeri-Douzans and Khaled Saboune, ‘France and COVID-19: a Centralized and Bureaucratic Crisis Management vs Reactive Local Institutions’ 289
- Sabine Kuhlmann, ‘Between Unity and Variety: Germany’s Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 291
- György Hajnal and Éva Kovács, ‘Governance and Policy Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Hungary: Early Experiences and Lessons’ 305
- Amelia Compagni, Alberto Ricci and Francesco Longo, ‘Italy: Experiences of Multi-level Governance with the COVID-19 Crisis’ 317
- Jaroslav Dvorak, ‘Lithuanian COVID-19 Lessons for Public Governance’ 329
- Tom Christensen and Per Lægreid, ‘The Norwegian Government Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 339
- Marcin Matczak, ‘When Politics Mixes with Fighting the Virus: Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Poland’ 349
- Calin Hintea, Tudor Ticlau and Bogdana Neamtu, ‘The Romanian National Government Experiences in Dealing with the COVID-19 Crisis’ 359
- Juraj Nemec,‘Slovak Strategies to combat COVID-19 Pandemic’ 377
- Fátima Minguez Llorente, ‘Managing an Unexpected Crisis: Context, Actions, Stakeholders and Some Thoughts on the Response against the Sanitary Crisis in Spain’ 385
- Mete Yildiz and Savas Zafer Sahin, ‘Turkey’s COVID-19 Pandemic Response from a Public Administration Perspective’ 395
- Paul Joyce and Philip Whiteman, ‘The United Kingdom Government’s Response to COVID-19’ 405
North America
- Tim A. Mau, ‘The Canadian Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 417
- William Shields, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic: Early Lessons for Public Governance - The United States Experience’ 429
Latin America
- Edgar Varela Barrios, Rubén Darío Echeverry R and Leidi Ruano Arcos, ‘Public Policy Actions in Colombia in Response to COVID-19 Pandemic’ [Translated by Eleonora Alzate Tijerino] 443
- Freddy Mariñez Navarro and José Fernández Santillán, ‘National Experience of México on Coronavirus - COVID-19 Pandemic’ 453
- Luis M. Solari, ‘Peru – The Role of the National Government in Combatting the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 465
Middle East / North Africa
- Reham Rizk and Mohamed Alaa Abdel-Moneim, ‘Egypt and the Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 479
- Rachid Melliani, ‘Measures taken by the Kingdom of Morocco to deal with COVID-19’ 489
- Ala’a Hammad and Nabeela Abu Engelah, ‘Role of Public Administration in the State of Palestine in facing the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 499
- Sofiane Sahraoui and Walid Gani, ‘Coping with COVID-19 in Tunisia: Unfreezing the Mammoth!’ 509
Part IV: Comparative Studies and Perspectives
- Rahel M. Schomaker and Michael W. Bauer, ‘Mild Hit, Flexible Response: How Local Administrations in Austria and Germany Confronted (First Wave) of the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 525
- Denita Cepiku, Filippo Giordano and Marco Meneguzzo, ‘An Integrated Approach to the Fight for the COVID-19 Pandemic: Italy and Switzerland’ 535
- Paul Corrigan, ‘Understanding the Context, Organizational Form, and Partnership Capabilities of the UK Public Governance Response to the COVID-19 Virus’ 547
Part V: Conclusions
* Paul Joyce, Fabienne Maron and Purshottama Sivanarain Reddy’ ‘Managing Global Pandemics: Public Governance Matters’ 567
Jull, Kenneth, ‘Coronavirus Emergency Response: Risk Assessment and Risk Management’ [2020] Toronto Law Journal 1–13
Kadomatsu, Narufumi, ‘Legal Countermeasures against COVID-19 in Japan: Effectiveness and Limits of Non-Coercive Measures’ (2022) China-EU Law Journal (advance article, published online 11 April 2022) Abstract: This paper analyzes the Japanese legal responses to COVID-19. Japan did not declare the state of emergency on the constitutional level. In addition, it did not enact a new law and instead amended existing statutes several times to cope with the situation. The paper first introduces provisions of the Novel Influenza Act and Infectious Diseases Acts provisions before and after the February 2021 amendments. The remarkable feature of the Japanese countermeasures was the focus on non-coercive measures. There is no compulsory scheme to ensure ‘staying at home’ for general residents. Regarding the facility managers, the NIA provided for the public announcement of non-compliance of the ‘recommendation’ to ensure effectiveness. The legal nature of such public announcements is disputed in Japanese administrative law. The February 2021 amendments added the possibility of issuing an order whose effectiveness was guaranteed by administrative fines. This paper analyzes the traditional emphasis of ‘administrative guidance’ in Japan and proposes hypotheses as to why open non-compliance cases of facility managers are observed. Concerning patients, prior to the February 2021 amendment, the IDA provided for the problematic legal figures of ‘recommendation’ and ‘immediate execution’. The Feb. 2021 amendment, which added administrative fines, made the legal figure more complex. COVID-19 countermeasures have highlighted the difficulty of legal control when public behavior change is a policy goal. We must proceed by trial and error and accumulate knowledge regarding legal regulations or governmental messages that effectively affect public behavior. In the process, we should embrace the basic principles of constitutional democracy, such as the democratic legitimacy and accountability of government decisions and the principle of the rule of law. Simultaneously, we must remember that infectious disease control is a matter of human rights and discrimination, especially considering the unfortunate history of infectious disease control in Japan.
Kahl, Wolfgang and Konstantina-Antigoni Poulou, ‘The Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights in the Coronavirus Pandemic in Germany’ in Kostas Chrysogonos and Anna Tsiftsoglou (eds), Democracy after Covid: Challenges in Europe and Beyond (Springer International Publishing, 2022) 125–146 Abstract: The coronavirus pandemic has been a great challenge for most constitutional states in many aspects. This will be illustrated in this contribution taking Germany as an example, with the focus lying mainly on the rule of law principle and fundamental rights, examined in light of the case law developed so far. Notably during the first lockdown, a lot of fundamental rights in Germany were massively curtailed. This is why this unprecedented situation was sometimes qualified as a ‘state of emergency’ or a ‘corona-dictatorship’, given that the breadth, depth and duration of the encroachments on fundamental rights were, and in some cases still are, exceptionally great. Nevertheless, the following contribution demonstrates that such an approach is misplaced. The German Basic Law (‘Grundgesetz’) does not provide for a state of emergency or any other exceptional provisions regarding the interventions in fundamental rights in times of crisis. The traditional model of the separation of powers has proven to be sufficiently flexible to meet the needs for even far-reaching encroachments on fundamental rights on the one hand, and to adequately control and react to these encroachments in accordance with the rule of law on the other.
Kamensky, John, ‘A Framework for National Recovery From COVID-19’ Government Executive (27 March 2020) Abstract: How can agencies effectively implement programs to address the COVID-19? Following the 2009 Recovery Act, the IBM Center sponsored a number of research reports to explore the government’s response to the economic downturn that began in 2007, known as the Great Recession. However, the accountability provisions under the law were entirely new and required new ways of working with both their local governments (who had to report through their states to the federal government) as well as with federal agencies.
Kang, Cindy and Hari Sutra Disemadi, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic Outbreak Impact and Prevention From Legal Perspective: An Indonesian Experience’ (2021) 1(1) CoMBInES - Conference on Management, Business, Innovation, Education and Social Sciences 134-144 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic affected various aspects such as economy, health, environment, and others. The pandemic that occurred in Indonesia gave a huge responsibility to the government as stated in the fourth paragraph of the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Everything that happens in handling this pandemic has a close relationship with the law, including human rights due to the large number of people who have died, regional quarantine, and the protection and guarantee of work safety for health workers who are at the frontline dealing with this pandemic. This research uses normative legal research methods
Karaseva, Asya, ‘The Legal Void and COVID‐19 Governance’ (2020) 28(2) Social Anthropology 294-295 Introduction: COVID‐19 as a matter of governance provides an opportunity for questioning taken‐for‐granted assumptions of ‘states of exception’ (Agamben 2005) in the political mechanics of emergency rule. In Russia, for example, a zone of anomie is currently being produced that operates not within existing emergency laws but as what I call a new ‘legal void’. Contemporary Russian law provides two versions of emergency regimes: ‘an emergency situation’ ( chrezvychainaia situatsiia , or ChS ) and ‘the state of emergency’ ( chrezvychainoe polozhenie , or ChP ). The first one has been used in disaster management since 1994. It is introduced at multiple administration levels for an indefinite time by decrees of the heads of corresponding administrations. The ChS regime has been applied in many situations, from a bridge in an unsafe condition to forest fires. The law on ChP was set to serve both political disorders and disasters, including epidemics. Unlike the ChS regime, it can be introduced only by the President and for a fixed term. It has never been implemented since its adoption in 2001. Both of the laws suspend some civil rights but also provide guarantees of compensation for harm to health, property damage and even for just living in the emergency zone. ChP law also details legal procedures such as detention and litigation under the state of emergency. However, to date, Russia’s authorities are not using either of these special legal regimes in their pandemic governance.
Kasimbazi, Emmanuel, ‘Legal and Regulatory Measures and Responses to Prevent and Control COVID-19 in Uganda’ (2021) 1(1–3) Legal Policy and Pandemics: The Journal of the Global Pandemic Network 67–84 Abstract: Uganda adopted different legal and regulatory approaches to prevent and control the COVID-19 pandemic. Measures included Presidential Directives, Ministry of Health rules, guidelines and the responses, establishment of institutions such as the National Task Force (NTF) and District Task Forces (DTF) Force, and allocation of funds. These measures are included indifferent instruments such as statutory instruments, which empower government institutions to contain the COVID-19 situation in Uganda. They also set out conditions to be complied with by individuals and institutions. This article aims at mapping out the legal and institutions’ approaches and assesses their effectiveness in preventing and controlling COVID-19 in Uganda.
Kaur, Manpreet and Anushka Dwivedi, ‘Strengthening the Legal Policies to Tackle the Pandemic Crisis in India: The Need of the Hour’ (2021) 25 Supremo Amicus Journal (unpaginated) Abstract: In the period of global pandemic, what were the major tools responsible to avoid mass instability across the globe? Health infrastructure, responsive government strategies, efficient food processing supplies and a set of Legal policies. A surviving health infrastructure, responsive government strategies and food processing supplies were all refurbished according to a set of legal policies created by the Government of respective nation-states and were proposed by another set of legal guidelines created by international organizations like World health organization [WHO]. The worst affected nation- states like the United States, India, and Brazil, managed to survive against the worst phases and hardships of the pandemic due to a set of legal policies framed and followed rigorously by the respective government. An early response to the global COVID- 19 outbreak were smoothly driven by a set of executed legal policies to control the level of pandemic. But did such set of legal policies only contribute to stability of the global pandemic, or does it contribute to the process of rehabilitation, post-availability of vaccines? Legal policies effectively and efficiently contributed to the stability and rehabilitating during the phase of COVID- 19 pandemic. A need of strong and responsive government was required at a global stage when the Global pandemic caused a sense of fear in March 2020, but it was not possible without a set of legal policies. This research article attempts to elucidate on the importance of a set of legal policies amidst the pandemic by expressing through a group of smaller case studies over the importance of legal policies in the pandemic.
Kavanagh, Matthew M and Renu Singh, ‘Democracy, Capacity, and Coercion in Pandemic Response: COVID 19 in Comparative Political Perspective’ 45(6) Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 997–1012 Abstract: article, published 28 May 2020) Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged governments around the world. It has also challenged conventional wisdom and empirical understandings in the comparative politics and policy of health. Three major questions present themselves: First, some of the countries considered to be the most prepared—having the greatest capacity for outbreak response—have failed to respond effectively to the pandemic. How should our understanding of capacity shift in light of COVID-19, and how can we incorporate political capacity into thinking about pandemic preparedness? Second, several of the mechanisms through which democracy has been shown to be beneficial for health have not traveled well to explain the performance of governments in this pandemic. Is there an authoritarian advantage in disease response? Third, after decades in which coercive public health measures have increasingly been considered counterproductive, COVID-19 has inspired widespread embrace of rigid lockdowns, isolation, and quarantine enforced by police. Will these measures prove effective in the long run and reshape public health thinking? This article explores some of these questions with emerging examples, even amid the pandemic when it is too soon to draw conclusions.
Kavcar, Gülenay and Levent Lezgin Kılınç, ‘Government Announcements on (Covid-19) Coronavirus Epidemic’ [2020] Lawyer (Online Edition) 1 Abstract: The article offers information on the challenges faced by the coronavirus in the Turkey, along with the information on the safety measure taken by the Turkey President, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It mentions the declaration of the coronavirus outbreak as a global pandemic by the World Health Organization.
Keitner, Chimène, ‘The Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, Coronavirus, and Addressing China’s Culpability’ _Harvard National Security Journal Online_ On June 23, 2020, the Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing on “The Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, Coronavirus, and Addressing China’s Culpability. This series of works by Professor Keitner memorializes Professor Keitner’s prepared written testimony and detailed responses to 39 Questions for the Record (QFRs).
Kelly, Richard et al, ‘Coronavirus: Changes to Practice and Procedure in the UK and Other Parliaments’ (House of Commons Library Briefing Paper No 8874, 19 May 2020) Abstract: This Briefing Paper illustrates changes that have been made to procedures and practices in response to coronavirus in the House of Commons and a small selection of other parliaments.
Note: the other parliaments considered in this paper are Wales, Scotland, Jersey, Isle of Man, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Brazil.
Kemboi, Leo Kipkogei, ‘Public Choice Analysis of Kenya COVID-19 Response Policies’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No ID 3750753, 17 December 2020) Abstract: The biggest takeaway is that policymakers need to craft policies that are easier to implement but gives the desired results. Parliament, as the main oversight institutions, is supposed to query policies being fronted by the executive branch, but this has not been the case. Policies that require force to enforce are prone to rent-seeking and should not be considered.
Kempf, Hubert, ‘One Foe, so Many Fights: Making Sense of COVID-19 Policies’ (CESifo Working Paper No No 8325, 2020)
Ken-Dror Feldman, Dalit and Emanuel Gross, ‘The Struggles of Democracy against the “New Terrorist” - The COVID-19 Pandemic: Separation of Powers - The Israeli Experience’ (2020) 2 Hong Kong Journal of Law and Public Affairs 106–115 Abstract: The Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caught the world by surprise. The World Health Organization (WHO) declared the COVID-19 on 30th January 2020 as ‘Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC)’ and as pandemic on 11th March 2020.Suddenly, governments around the world had to stop their daily routine and to deal with a new and worldwide pandemic. Every country dealt with the new situation in a different way. However, most of the countries used tracing apps or other surveillance technology to follow the chains of infections and to stop them as soon as possible. These tracking techniques raised questions about the ability of democratic countries to trace their residents without reasonable suspicion of any criminal or terrorist offense. The COVID-19 caught Israel after 3 rounds of elections in which no certain, clear decision was made by the public. The pandemic was what had forced the politicians to establish a new government with a Prime Minister and a Substitute Prime Minister who will replace him after one year and a half. In addition, the current Israel Prime Minister is facing criminal procedures. True as of May 2020, Israel has a large government that most of them are also part of the legislative authority. There is also a coalition discipline principle that forces the opinion of the government on its members of the parliament. In light of these circumstances, there is almost no separation of powers between the legislative authority (the Knesset, the Israeli Parliament) and the executive authority (theGovernment). Moreover, the status of the Judiciary authority is being demoralized and public faith in courts is reduced. In this article, we discuss Israel’s experience during the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to trace the chains of infections as soon as possible, within the democratic frame. We show that even though the pandemic caught Israel in a delicate situation to its democracy, the basic principles of a democratic state – the separation of powers and checks and balances – are still present in the way Israel handled a certain aspect of the pandemic so far – the tracking of chains of infections. We focus on the question of checks and balances. We review the democratic process of legislation concerning the use of mobile tracking to find the potential chain of infection of verified patients. We show that despite all the obstacles the democratic game is preserved more or less, at least on paper. We show the importance of the separation of powers and mutual supervision. We call to preserve this basic and important principle especially in times when democracy needs to defend itself not only against terrorism but against a complicated, invisible enemy.
Kendrick, Thomas A, ‘Rebuttal: Alabama’s Gubernatorial and Legislative Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic Were Valid, Constitutional, and Appropriate’ (2022) 83(6) Alabama Lawyer 404–414 Abstract: As a lawyer who defends healthcare providers that continued to care for patients during the COVID-19 pandemic, I take a different view from my opposing counsel who published an article in the September edition of The Alabama Lawyer.
Kecső, Gábor, Boldizsár Szentgáli-Tóth and Bettina BOR, ‘Emergency Regulations Entailing a Special Case of Norm Collision Revisiting the Constitutional Review of Special Legal Order in the Wake of the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2024) 14(1) Juridical Tribune / Tribuna Juridica 5–26 Abstract: This contribution will interpret conflict between an emergency order and an ordinary law as a special case of norm collision and will revisit the constitutional review of such cases through this lens. First, the theoretical framework of emergencies will be taken into account, and then, based on the relevant constitutional case law of Austria, Germany, Hungary, Romania and Slovenia delivered during the recent public health emergency, a comparative analysis will investigate the most popular techniques to outline the scope of emergency regulation. Finally, based on this research, a three-step analysis will be proposed for constitutional courts to approach such issues by taking into account either the theoretical, the formal and the substantial aspects of the case. Apart from highlighting the role of constitutional review to establish the objective limits of emergency regulations, we also aim at giving additional weight on the formal and the theoretical prongs of the assessment of extraordinary state interferences, which have been consistently underestimated in our sense.
Keyes, John Mark, ‘Judicial Review of COVID-19 Legislation: How Have the Courts Performed?’ (2023) 30(2) Australian Journal of Administrative Law 115 [pre-published version available on SSRN] Abstract: This paper considers judicial responses to challenges to legislative action taken to address the COVID-19 pandemic, how these responses were affected by emergency conditions and the implications for judicial review generally and its role in society. The paper begins by outlining the types of legislative measures taken and then considers in very general terms the rule of law and judicial review, including hurdles to judicial review arising in many of the challenges to COVID-19 legislation, which in turn go some distance towards explaining the failure of most challenges. The paper looks next at the principal grounds advanced for challenging COVID-19 legislation in terms of the matters it addressed and the bases for the challenges. The bases for challenge are grouped under three headings: 1. constitutional law limits on law-making authority, 2. administrative law limits on delegated authority, 3. fundamental human rights and rights of Indigenous peoples. This survey is by no means exhaustive. Its aim is to add to the growing body of commentary on emergency legislation by focusing on a limited number of cases, mainly from Canada with a few from the UK, New Zealand and Australia.
Keyes, John Mark, ‘Parliamentary Scrutiny of the Quality of Legislation in Canada’ (2021) 9(2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 203–226 Abstract: This paper looks at how legislative quality is addressed in Canada by private (non-Executive) members of the two legislative chambers forming part of the federal Parliament (the Senate and the House of Commons). It considers legislative quality from three perspectives (1. Policy and Politics, 2. Legality, 3. Accessibility / Intelligibility) and reviews the resources and mechanisms parliamentarians have at their disposal to assess and improve the quality of legislation. The paper concludes that, while there is some potential for considerable parliamentary contribution to legislative quality, it is in fact relatively limited. This largely results from the dominant role the Executive plays in the development and enactment of legislation. The paper suggests the current pandemic crisis might provide an opportunity to re-evaluate this dominance and approaches to addressing legislative quality in Canada.
Khabrieva, TY and NN Chernogor, ‘Law and the Pandemic: The Lessons of the Crisis’ (2022) 92(4) Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 531–535 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic is exerting pressure on law and order, testing the strength of their basic elements and subsystems. It is transforming positive law and system-forming processes in the legal sphere, which ensure the functioning of the legal organization of society developed in the prepandemic period. The pandemic affects it indirectly, having a transformative effect on the mechanisms for exercising public power, law formation, and law implementation, including law enforcement. During the pandemic, human rights, which were not previously positioned in this capacity, have acquired absolute importance. Among them is the right to health protection and proper medical care. Along with this, special legal regimes and many legal institutions of both public and private law have been modernized, and new legal models and practices have been tested that are suitable not only for regulating social relations in extraordinary conditions but also for creating law and order in postpandemic society. Some of them have already been implemented into ordinary legislation. The doctrine recorded a growing multifunctionality of some legal means, as well as the emergence of new legal phenomena, in particular, antipandemic legislation. According to the authors of this article, to respond effectively to emergency situations, it is necessary to expand the existing variable scenarios of legal regulation and create appropriate regulatory templates, algorithms, and procedures for the activities of public authorities, as well as the scopes of their competence in the event of such situations. For Russian law and order, it is relevant in this context to systematize the legal basis of special legal regimes designed for crisis situations with account for the correction made, as well as to develop scientific criteria for differentiating the corresponding regimes.
Khabriyeva, T, ‘Law Based Managing the Pandemic Crisis: World and Russian Experience’ (2021) 25(2) Journal of Russian Law 5–17 Abstract: The global pandemic crisis caused by the spread of the new coronavirus infection COVID19 has required states and the international community to mobilize efforts to overcome it. States seek to control the evolution of this crisis, to minimize its negative impact on various spheres of society, the economy, the social sphere, the daily life of citizens and its quality. To this end, all available opportunities and means, including law, are used. Due to the fact that supranational institutions have not been able to propose effective and universal measures or strategies to combat the pandemic and related crisis phenomena in a timely manner, states, relying on national law, had to establish their own crisis response and management systems. These systems are mostly local and relatively closed in nature, focused on internal problems, taking into account their scale, capabilities and resources of the national legal order. The article presents the results of a study of domestic and foreign practice of using the opportunities of law to counteract the pandemic. The author shows similarities in the legal component of the national systems for the management of pandemic crisis, the legal instruments used for this purpose, means and methods of maintaining balance between the fundamental rights and freedoms, on the one hand, and overcoming threats to life and health through the use of extraordinary measures on the other. Based on the criteria developed by the doctrine, an assessment of the state legal practice of managing the pandemic crisis is given, as well as proposals for the formation of a modern model of legal regulation in emergency situations are formulated.
Khamim, Mohamad and Moh Taufik, ‘Discretion of Covid 19 Prevention in the Perspective of State Administrative Law’ (2022) 22(1) Jurnal Dinamika Hukum 187–196
Jurisdiction: Indonesia Abstract: Strategic steps in handling the Covid 19 pandemic have been made by the Regional government to accelerate the handling of Covid-19. This study aims to look at the position of discretion as an instrument of administrative law in the formation of public policy, and analyze the extent to which discretion is used by regional heads as an effort to make effective policies in preventing covid 19 in their regions as part of the bureaucratic agility paradigm. This research uses an empirical juridical approach, with the data analysis method being carried out by collecting data through the study of library materials or secondary data which includes primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials, both in the form of documents and applicable laws and regulations relating to normative juridical analysis of the synchronization of the Government Administration Law. The policy of handling covid 19 carried out by several regions has succeeded in reducing the mortality rate through discretion, with a more flexible and flexible policy character in carrying out the role of responsive bureaucratic agility. The approach of State Administration law provides more legal certainty and avoids clashes of constitutional issues in realizing public welfare and justice.
Khisa, Moses and Sabastiano Rwengabo, ‘Militarism and the Politics of Covid-19 Response in Uganda’ (2024) 50(4) Armed Forces & Society 1118–1149 Abstract: Within the broader context of securitized responses to Covid-19 globally, Uganda experienced an oversized military role, ranging from law-and-order and lockdown enforcement, to managing food-relief supplies, medical operations, and partisan political repression. What explains this excessive militarization? To address this poser, the article draws on secondary sources and key-informant interviews to test the hypothesis that military involvement in pandemic responses depends on pre-pandemic militarism. The findings reveal direct links between pre-crisis militarism and Covid-19 responses, contrary to the view that exceptionality and novelty of Covid-19 informed overly militarized responses. Through pandemic framing and institutional morphing, pre-pandemic militarism foregrounded military roles because Covid-19 provided Uganda’s ruling elites with a public health pretext to heighten militaristic rule, clutch the political arena in the context of elections, and deepen military presence in civilian public health realms. This excessive militarization of public health seriously impacts civil–military relations, specifically command and control, reporting and accountability, and resources management.
Kilani, Ahmad, ‘Authoritarian Regimes’ Propensity to Manipulate Covid-19 Data: A Statistical Analysis Using Benford’s Law’ (2021) Commonwealth & Comparative Politics (advance article, published online 26 July 2021) Abstract: There have been numerous claims that some countries do not reveal their reported cases of COVID-19 truthfully. Some studies suggest that autocratic countries tend to manipulate their reported figures. To test these claims, the article uses Benford’s law (BL) to detect anomalies in the reported numbers of COVID-19. Many studies have used BL to test the reliability of the data recorded by countries and conclude that the data follows BL in most cases. This study applies BL to a set of 34 countries using Pearson’s χ2, Kuiper and mean absolute deviation tests to analyse the daily reported cases; then, correlating the tests results with four freedom indices using ordinary least square. The aim of the article is to demonstrate how countries with low freedom scores are likely to manipulate their COVID-19 reporting, whereas countries with high freedom scores do not show a manipulation in their data. The study finds that all indices show strong correlation to the degree of data manipulation, and with the World Press Freedom index showing the strongest relationship.
Kilonzo, Josephat Muuo, ‘Addressing Covid-19: A Test of Kenya’s Constitutional and Democratic Resilience’ in Ebenezer Durojaye and Derek M Powell (eds), Constitutional Resilience and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa (Springer, 2022) 111–144 Abstract: Kenya confirmed its first case of Covid-19 in March 2020. In a bid to control the spread of the virus, the executive issued directives that, inter alia, discontinued learning in all educational institutions, suspended travel into Kenya, imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew, curtailed movement in and out of selected regions and closed places of worship and entertainment. The government then proceeded to issue legislative and executive directives that reduced taxes in order to mitigate the economic losses occasioned by the containment measures. The judiciary closed down courts, resorting instead to electronic management of cases. This chapter discusses Kenya’s responses to the Covid-19 pandemic with the aim of understanding whether they meet its constitutional and human rights obligations and what they mean for the country’s constitutional and democratic resilience.
Kilonzo, Kethi D, ‘Playing Tag with the Rule of Law: Balancing Fundamental Rights and Public Health in Kenya in the Shadow of COVID-19’ (Afronomicslaw COVID-19 Symposium on International Economic Law in the Global South (May 2020), Symposium IV: Governance, Rights, and Institutions) Abstract: The first case of Covid-19 infection within Kenya’s borders was reported on 13th March 2019. The global pandemic has brought the Rule of Law in Kenya to a cross-roads as the government attempts to strike a delicate balance between the health and safety of the public, on the one hand, and their economic and social well-being, on the other. The choices have been tough, and the outcomes have been mixed. All of its policies and regulations have been met with mixed reactions as well as political and legal challenges. Covid-19 has led to many fundamental human rights and freedoms being temporarily stripped by governments and authorities across the globe. Kenya has been no exception. Since 13th March 2020, the fundamental rights to freedom of association, movement, access to justice, access to administrative action, property, assembly, demonstrations, grouping and picketing, have been suspended, impeded and or affected. In Kenya, such restrictions have a constitutional foundation in Kenya’s 2010 Constitution.
King, Katiuska and Philipp Altmann, ‘Between Justice and Money: How the Covid-19 Crisis Was Used to De-Differentiate Legality in Ecuador’ (2022) 35(3) International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 1039–1057 Abstract: Legality in the Global South suffers from problems of application by convenience. Some rules are applied, and some are not, depending on certain actors, such as the State, the stakeholders, or others. This undermines legitimation as constructed by legality and due process. These problems are connected to a wider complex formed by coloniality, internal colonialism, and a form of functional differentiation that limits autonomy of the different social systems. This complex of structural properties allows States and other actors to systematically use one system against the other or—within a given system—one level of rules against the other. This was the case in Ecuador: in the initial months of quarantine due to Covid-19, the government took decisions about external state bonds following international legislation—and quite contrary ones related to local work contracts. Once again, legality followed different paths in diverse cases. Ecuadorian economic authorities accept and respect conditions on external public bonds which are protected by some complex and specific clauses to secure the payment. The same authorities have different practices towards international and national legislation that were organized in the sense of legal subsidiarity. This text will explore reasons and effects of legal de-differentiation in the Global South in times of crisis. The Ecuadorian case in time of Covid-19 helps to understand how structural problems related to the lack of autonomy of the legal system are perpetuated and lead to effects of convenient political action.
Kitajima, Shusaku, ‘An Analysis of Japanese Responses to COVID-19 from an Administrative Law Perspective’ (Asian Law Centre, Melbourne Law School, 8 October 2020) Abstract: This article examines the legal basis for the restrictions on the daily lives of citizens and business activities in Japan in light of the spread of COVID-19 from the perspective of administrative law. Japanese citizens were restricted from going out and some businesses were asked to cease activities during the period under the declaration of a state of emergency from 7 May to 25 May 2020. The restrictions in Japan were based on the Act on Special Measures for Pandemic Influenza and New Infectious Diseases Preparedness and Response which was enacted in 2012 after Japan’s experience with the novel influenza (A/H1N1) pandemic in 2009. The article examines the mechanisms set out in the Act which are available to governments in Japan to implement pandemic responses. The article argues that the four main measures for restrictions known as requests and instructions are characterized by their non-obligatory or non-compulsive nature. The article argues that these characteristics reflect long-standing approaches in Japanese administrative jurisprudence that are embedded in the Act and thus Japan’s COVID-19 response measures.
Klimovsky, Daniel, Ivan Maly and Juraj Nemec, ‘Collaborative Governance Challenges of the COVID-19 Pandemics: Czech Republic and Slovakia’ (2021) 19(1) Central European Public Administration Review 85–106 Abstract: The goal of this article is to evaluate what the Czech and Slovak governments have done to protect their countries and try to assess why they have achieved different results for the first and second waves of the Covid- 19 pandemic. The basis for such evaluation is the concept of collaborative governance, while qualitative research methods are used to achieve this goal. Based on comprehensive case studies and following analysis, the article suggests that in countries with limited quality of collaborative governance and no experience in similar pandemics, short-term ‘ultramobilisation’ and positive results are indeed possible, but failures are non-avoidable in the long run. During the second wave of the pandemic, the weaknesses in governance resulted in massive governance failures. As a result, the governments’ responses delivered very limited results in terms of prevalence of Covid-19.
Knauer, Nancy J, ‘The Federal Response to COVID-19: Lessons from the Pandemic’ (2022) 73(1) Hastings Law Journal 49–104 Abstract: When the first suspected human-to-human transmission of the novel coronavirus was reported in January 2020, the United States had in place an elaborate set of pandemic disaster and response plans that spanned hundreds of pages. The George W. Bush administration spearheaded national pandemic planning in 2005 as part of the post-September 11 efforts to modernize the country’s disaster response capabilities. Subsequent administrations revisited and revised the various pandemic plans, including the Trump administration as recently as 2017 and 2018. Despite these detailed plans, the Trump administration was slow to respond to the emerging public health crisis or implement any of the prescribed protocols. Federal officials lost valuable time as they downplayed the risk posed by COVID-19 and repeatedly assured the American people that the virus would simply ‘go away.’ By March 2020, a frightening spike in cases in the Northeast made the pandemic impossible to ignore. President Trump and other administration officials shifted tactics and began to characterize COVID-19 as the quintessential ‘black swan’ – a threat that no one could have foreseen. President Trump repeatedly told the American people that ‘no one could have predicted something like this’ even though official federal policy suggested a very different story. Far from being a black swan, the COVID-19 pandemic was widely anticipated and, according to many epidemiologists, inevitable.This article argues that our botched federal response was not so much a failure of policy per se, but rather a failure of political will. The federal government had a robust pandemic policy in place; it simply chose not to follow it. This failure of political will illustrates the dangers that arise when public health measures are politicized and weaponized for partisan advantage and demands strong interventions to ensure federal accountability and transparency. The first section of this article outlines the evolution of our national pandemic plans within the broader context of disaster and response planning. The second section explains the pandemic staging framework that is used to organize and coordinate decision making within a pandemic. The third section charts the federal response during the crucial first three months of the public health crisis, specifically identifying instances where the federal government failed to follow its own clearly articulated pandemic policy. The final section outlines some lessons learned from the pandemic and proposes reforms to insulate public health measures from partisan wrangling and keep our federal government faithful to its foremost obligation, namely to promote the general welfare.
Knauff, Matthias, ‘Coronavirus and Soft Law in Germany: Business as Usual?’ (2021) 12(1) European Journal of Risk Regulation 45-58 Abstract: In combating the coronavirus pandemic in Germany, soft law has played an important, albeit not a central, role. Its use basically corresponds to that of under ‘normal circumstances’. In accordance with the German constitutional order, almost all substantial decisions are made in a legally binding form. However, these are often prepared through or supplemented by soft law. This article shows that soft law has played an important role in fighting the pandemic and its effects in Germany, although there cannot be any doubt that legally binding forms of regulation have prevailed. At the same time, the current pandemic has shed light on the advantages and effects of soft law in the context of the German legal order.
Knight, Dean R, ‘Accountability through Dialogue: New Zealand’s Experience during the COVID-19 Pandemic’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook on Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022, forthcoming) Abstract: New Zealand successfully pursued an elimination strategy during the COVID-19 pandemic, managing to stamp out community transmission of the virus through lockdowns, border control, contact tracing and other public health measures. This chapter evaluates the accountability of government during the height of the pandemic, while emergency settings applied and aggressive measures were deployed. The analysis adopts a relational or dialogical conception of accountability – focusing on explanation, interrogation, judgement and consequences – and looks across the political, constitutional and learning (continuous improvement) dimensions of accountability. Overall, concerns about an accountability deficit during the pandemic generally did not arise in New Zealand because the government continued to render account for its actions – the ability of various forums to scrutinise and judge the government’s actions was maintained and, in some cases, was enhanced.
Knight, Dean R, ‘Lockdown’s Legality and the Rule of Law’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No ID 3666613, Social Science Research Network, 4 August 2020) Abstract: This short note explains the context to, and the arguments made in, the judicial review proceedings challenging the legality of the lockdown in New Zealand (Borrowdale v Director-General of Health).
Knight, Dean R, ‘Government Expression and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Advising, Nudging, Urging, Commanding’ (2020) 31 Public Law Review 391 Abstract: Comment on Borrowdale v Director-General of Health
[2020] NZHC 2090, especially the ruling that the government’s messages during the early days of COVID-19 lockdown urging people to stay at home were not prescribed by law and unlawful.
Knight, Dean R, ‘Stamping out COVID-19 in New Zealand: Legal Pragmatism and Democratic Legitimacy’ [2021] (2) Public Law 241–251 (pre-print version available on SSRN) Abstract: New Zealand has so far proved pretty successful in stamping out COVID-19. ‘Go hard, go early’ was the Prime Minister’s mantra. An aggressive nationwide lockdown of seven weeks from late-March to mid-May 2020 broke the chain of community transmission-limiting diagnosed cases to just over 1,800 and deaths to only 25. Day-to-day life has since largely returned to normal, with restrictions lifting after community cases of the virus disappeared. The nationwide bubble is now protected by a heavily controlled border, where any cases are caught in state-managed quarantine on entry. A couple of small outbreaks in Auckland in mid-August were dampened down, combated by a short and sharp regional lockdown and temporary elevation of precautions elsewhere. Other occasional cases, attributed to border breaches, have been addressed by aggressive contact tracing and targeted isolation. New Zealand’s success so far in combating COVID-19 is no doubt attributable to a mix of factors: late onset of the virus, early and aggressive lockdown, favourable geographical settings, effective leadership, coherent communication and community cooperation-as well as a good sprinkling of luck.
Konnoth, Craig, ‘Narrowly Tailoring the COVID-19 Response’ (2020) 11 California Law Review Online 193–208 Abstract: The greatest impact of the novel coronavirus on most of our lives has not been physiological. Rather, the impact has come from state governments’ responses to the virus. In much of the country, stay-at-home measures have shut down our lives—including our ability to continue with our employment, study, religious practice, socializing, and access to arts and entertainment. Given the situation that states have found themselves in, I believe that their response to the COVID-19 threat has been appropriate—and the limited judicial authority that exists at the time of writing agrees.
Konnoth, Craig, ‘Privatized Preemption’ (2020) 45(3) Administrative & Regulatory Law News Abstract: In the last few weeks, many in the nation have rediscovered the benefits of federalism, as numerous states got ahead of the federal government in responding to the newest strain of coronavirus. The COVID-19 response is not unique: in recent decades, it is certain states, rather than the federal government, that have been the primary champions of important programs ranging from public education, environmentalism, privacy rights, and consumer protection. In so doing, they have pushed against a range of institutions, ranging from financial institutions to student loan collectors. The federal government, by contrast, has sometimes pushed for deregulation at the federal level, though largely stayed out of the states’ way. There has, however, been a slow shift, as the federal government has tried to counteract state efforts. But rather than do so openly, and by preempting state law with regulation of its own, the federal government has taken a shrewder tack. More specifically, it has conscribed private corporations for the task, and has incented, assisted, and delegated to them the power to contravene and displace state laws. In such situations, the power of displacing state law is left to corporations.
Kooistra, Emmeke Barbara et al, ‘Mitigating COVID-19 in a Nationally Representative UK Sample: Personal Abilities and Obligation to Obey the Law Shape Compliance with Mitigation Measures’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper, ID 3598221, 2020) Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has greatly influenced daily life all over the world. The present study assesses what factors influenced inhabitants of the United Kingdom to comply with lockdown and social distancing measures. It analyses data from an online survey, conducted on April 6-8, 2020, amongst a nationally representative sample of 555 participants who currently reside in the UK. The results show that compliance depended mostly on people’s capacity to comply with the rules, and the normative obligation they feel to obey the law. As such, compliance was not associated with deterrence or obedience out of fear, but rather with people’s practical abilities and intrinsic motivation to comply. The paper discusses policy implications for effective mitigation of the virus.
Kooistra, Emmeke Barbara and Benjamin van Rooij, ‘Pandemic Compliance: A Systematic Review of Influences on Social Distancing Behaviour during the First Wave of the COVID-19 Outbreak’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No ID 3738047, 25 November 2020) Abstract: During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, mitigation measures compelling people to keep a safe social distance led to a massive, unprecedented behavioural change across the globe. The present study seeks to understand what variables made people comply with such mitigation measures. It systematically reviewed 45 studies with data about compliance behaviour during the first wave (found in searches from March 1st till June 30th 2020). The review shows that a combination of variables shaped compliance behaviour, including people’s fear of the virus, psychosocial factors (including impulsivity, negative emotions, self-efficacy, and social norms), institutional variables (including attitudes towards the mitigation measures, belief in conspiracy theories and knowledge of the virus), and situational variables (capacity to obey and opportunity to violate the rules). Notably, the reviewed studies did not find a significant association between law enforcement (perceived deterrence) and compliance here. The review assesses what these findings mean for behavioural theory and for policy makers seeking to mitigate pandemics like COVID-19. Also, it reflects on the limitations of the reviewed body of work and future directions for pandemic compliance research.
Korenica, Fisnik and Bardhyl Hasanpapaj, ‘Limitation of Rights in the Times of the COVID-19 Pandemic: A View from Kosovo’s Constitutional Court’s “Shaky” Jurisprudence’ (2023) 27(5) The International Journal of Human Rights 872–895 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has forced governments across the globe to take infection-control actions by and large unforeseen and unforeseeable in their constitutional frameworks. Several measures forcing restrictions on travel, business operations, labour, healthcare and/or the education system have characterised public policy in most of them. A fair number of those restrictions adopted in the form of government or legislature decisions are labelled as ‘lockdown measures’. This article examines two recent cases ruled upon by the Constitutional Court of Kosovo (CCK or Court), whose primary aim was to pronounce on whether the Kosovo government’s lockdown measures were compatible with the criteria authorising a limitation of fundamental rights. These two cases present an outstandingly activist attitude of the Court in controlling government behaviour in times of a pandemic outbreak, by primarily questioning the state’s negative obligations in the face of freedom of movement, right to private and family life, and freedom of assembly; whereas positive obligations of the state with regard to the right to life and its associated right, the right to health, were neglected altogether. The article concludes that the mechanical interpretation which the two Court cases drew neither contributes to a richer substantive human rights protection, nor functionally elevates the concept of human rights in times of pandemic.
Korkea-aho, Emilia and Martin Scheinin, ‘“Could You, Would You, Should You?” Regulating Cross-Border Travel Through COVID-19 Soft Law in Finland’ (2021) 12(1) European Journal of Risk Regulation 26-44 Abstract: In the context of the Coronavirus pandemic that has swept the world, the Finnish Government, like many of its peers, has issued policy measures to combat the virus. A significant number of these measures have been implemented by legal acts, including measures taken under the Emergency Powers Act, or otherwise by decisions of ministries and regional and local authorities in their exercise of powers provided by the law. However, some parts of the governmental policy measures have been implemented through non-binding guidelines and recommendations. Using border travel recommendations as a case study, this Article critically evaluates governmental decision-making in relation to non-binding but restrictive measures. The Government’s inexperience with what may be thought of as soft law resulted in much confusion among the public and instigated a steep learning curve for the Government. Some of the problems can be explained as resulting from inadequate preparation and the need to act rapidly towards a legitimate aim, in particular in furtherance of the rights to life and health. That said, the debacle over the use of soft law to fight a pandemic in Finland revealed that there are fundamental misunderstandings about the processes and circumstances under which instruments conceived as soft law can be issued, as well as a lack of attention to their effects from a fundamental rights perspective.
Kosnik, Lea-Rachel D and Allen Bellas, ‘Drivers of COVID-19 Stay at Home Orders: Epidemiologic, Economic or Political Concerns?’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3638501, 2020) Abstract: What factors affected whether or not a U.S. state governor issued a state-wide stay-at-home order in response to the COVID-19 pandemic of early 2020? Once issued, what factors affected the length of this stay-at-home order? Using duration analysis, we test a number of scientific, economic, and political factors for their impact on a state governor’s decision to ultimately issue, and then terminate, blanket stay-at-home orders across the 50 U.S. states. Results indicate that while scientific and economic variables had some impact on the length of the stay-at-home orders, political factors dominated both the initiation of, and ultimate duration of, stay-at-home orders across the United States.
Kouroutakis, Antonios. ‘Abuse of Power and Self-entrenchment as a State Response to the COVID-19 Outbreak: The Role of Parliaments, Courts and the People’ in Matthias C Ketterman and Konrad Lachmayer (eds), Pandemocracy in Europe. Power, Parliaments and People in Times of COVID-19 (Hart, 2022) 33-46 [OPEN ACCESS BOOK] Extract from Introduction: This chapter considers the way COVID-19 35has been used and might be used as an opportunity for political self-entrenchment especially from the executive. In doing so, it will first examine political self-entrenchment both during ordinary conditions and during times of emergency, such as in the case of the pandemic. The second part will focus on the available means to face political self-entrenchment and in particular, it will focus on both political and legal means. By examining the role of the judiciary, the legislature, the media and the people, this chapter will argue that during the pandemic, when the legislatures are suspended or under functioned, the ground is more fertile for abuse of power for self-entrenchment purposes on behalf of the executive. The main conclusion is that democracies are left vulnerable in times of emergencies with less safeguards to secure their orderly function and proper protection against acts of self-entrenchment.
Kouroutakis, Antonios E, ‘Legaltech in Public Administration: Prospects and Challenges’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3862557, 8 June 2021) Abstract: The information revolution affects every aspect of our life, such as communication, banking, learning and teaching, entertainment, socializing, and even government and the administration. In some fields the potential of such revolution is already apparent, as new kinds of value is created - suffice it to mention the new forms of communication and marketing, the emergence of new business models in the financial industry, the so-called fintechs, and the spread of social networks. Likewise, information technology creates opportunities and disrupts even the legal industry, with the emergence of legaltech or lawtech. Despite such growing attention, in the field of public administration, the potential uses of new technologies have been for a long time only discussed in theory, and limited implementation has been recorded (in most of the cases, in an experimental or pilot phase). As Part 2 will show, such technologies in the best-case scenario were tested at an experimental level, and only in a few countries some small steps were taken to implement them. A rapid shift, nonetheless, took place with the imposed lockdowns due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Such pandemic will possibly leave its mark not only in history books and medicine textbooks, but also in the field of administration and public law, as it spurred the implementation of the technologies of the information revolution era.
Kovács, Kriszta, ‘The COVID-19 Pandemic: A Pretext for Expanding Power in Hungary’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 259 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic triggered unforeseen social and legal problems in the democratic world. In some countries, the challenges were even more significant because pre-existing political and legal problems were aggravated by the pandemic. In Hungary, where the state of human rights, democracy and the rule of law was already grave in 2019, the pandemic only deepened and exacerbated the problems the country had before. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán strategically capitalised on the opportunity the COVID-19 situation provided to gain more unchecked power. A permanent state of emergency replaced rational discourse and a state operating within the bounds of fundamental rights, democracy and the rule of law. In order to prevent further erosion of the rule of law, domestic democratic resistance and supranational legal actions would be necessary; however, both have limited and ever-narrowing capacity to respond. As doubts arose concerning the meaningful support from the European institutions, no guarantee is within sight against the continuing autocratisation.
Kowalski, Wawrzyniec, ‘Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on the Legal Conditions of Safety and Security of Selected Countries’ (2020) 23(Special Issue 3) European Research Studies Journal 253–273 Abstract: Purpose: The aim of the article is to show a kind of reevaluation of international legal regulations on safety and security of contemporary countries. The essence of this process is a visible reversal of the perception of legal regulations contained in legal acts of the universally understood international law as effective. The author’s intention is to characterize various models of public safety management in the time of a pandemic. In particular, the author analyzes the effectiveness of the most controversial measures used by state authorities to limit the effects of the COVID-19 virus. Design/Methodology/Approach: The article refers to both selected solutions functioning in the national law systems of individual countries, as well as acts of international law. The analysis essentially uses the comparative and historical-legal methods. The text is based on the analysis of selected legal acts, positions of representatives of the doctrine, literature, and documents. Findings: The results showed that despite the continuous process of positivization of threats - both at the level of national and international law and the creation of more and more perfect catalogs of human rights, in the face of the coronavirus pandemic, the current belief in the durability of the developed value system in the field of protection of individual rights becomes seriously threatened. It was emphasized that the pandemic period was a specific test of the mechanisms of democracy. Attention was drawn to the high probability of changes in the content of the international agreements in force so far in the field of international human rights law. Moreover, it was indicated that once the current threat is contained, the necessary redefinition of the material legal and procedural conditions related to the application of disease reduction measures in pandemic states in national legal systems will occur. Practical Implications: The considerations in the article may be useful in designing national models of public safety management. Originality/Value: The article extends the available literature in the field of both international security law and legal security conditions of individual countries. The study offers an in-depth insight into activities - often controversial - undertaken by the authorities of selected countries under various models of public safety management and protection of citizens’ health.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof, ‘Legislation During the COVID-19 Pandemic: Revolution, Patholegislation or Continuation?’ in Edyta Hadrowicz (ed), Polish Entrepreneurial Law in the Era of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Problems and Challenges (Springer, 2024) 63–79 Abstract: The article presents some observations on the reality of law-making during the COVID-19 pandemic and the state of epidemic legislation. On the one hand, it confronts the contemporary experience of the changing legal system with the Enlightenment ideals of good law (such as, among others, rationality, hierarchy, consistency, predictability, clarity of regulations), and on the other hand, it justifies the thesis that these ideals have long been only an imagination not reflected in the legislative practice of continental European countries and Anglo-Saxon countries. Contrary to the belief that the challenges of COVID-19 led to the ‘state of emergency’, an ‘exception’ to the rule of law and good law-making—it is argued that for at least several decades, phenomena such as inflation of law, juridization of socio-economic life, and even postmodernization of the legal system or after the crisis of the law was a reality well known by lawyers, entrepreneurs, citizens and commentators. As a result, epidemic legislation is rather the culmination, continuation or intensification of previously observed negative trends, rather than a breakthrough or a new quality. According to the author, this state of affairs leads to the need to search for new instruments of description and understanding of the law in force—including innovative methods of interpreting provisions, legal reasoning and methods of argumentation.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof and Jan Rudnicki, ‘The COVID Crisis as a Sample Tube with Contemporary Legal Phenomena’ (2020) 1(2) Central European Journal of Comparative Law 105–121 Abstract: A superficial view of lawmakers’ reaction to the current pandemic crisis is that we are witnessing an aberration and a concentration of bad practices. This paper presents a partially opposite thesis that the response of legal systems to this situation is not surprising and an accumulation of several phenomena very characteristic of the contemporary evolution of law. The restriction of personal freedoms, often imposed by means far from the theoretical scope of sources of law described by demo-liberal constitutions, combined with the broad scope and curious details of the extraordinary regulations complete the general trend towards the juridisation of almost every aspect of human activities. Today, the law serves as the dominant tool of creating social and economic order, taking the fields once occupied by other (and now almost extinct) normative systems and at the same time, displacing them. Thus, the more law exists in the everyday circulation, the more demand it creates for further and even more casuistic legal regulation. In this reality, this is the only tool that can be applied in extraordinary circumstances. In addition, the applied legislative techniques are not new. The Polish act known commonly and semi-officially as the ‘anti-crisis shield’ is a typical ‘complex act’ aimed at dealing with a particular matter thoroughly through the use of all traditional methods of regulation: civilian, administrative, and penal mixed together in a single text of law. Thus, this regulation also constitutes a perfect (and perhaps the most striking) example of the phenomenon of decodification, especially in the field of private law, since it deals with particular contractual and tort issues as if there were no relevant regulations in the Civil Code, which should (at least theoretically) constitute the core of the private law system.
Krasniqi, Afrim, ‘Impact on Democracy of Emergency Measures Against Covid-19: The Case of Albania’ (2021) 8(1: Covid Special Issue) IALS Student Law Review 28–38 Abstract: Whilst there is significant discussion globally on the thesis that the Coronavirus is emboldening autocrats the world over through vastly expanded emergency powers, extraordinary measures and reliance on enforcement rather than on expendable democratic subtleties, this paper focuses on the particular case of Albania to show that even though the level of illiberal thrust in this country is far from equalling that of authoritarian regimes, a host of key similarities are already there, and the substance behind those similarities is equally worrying. In Albania, the operationalisation of the pandemic has made room for the relentless advancement of the government’s political agenda, giving rise to serious doubts about the sincerity of the government-sponsored measures, their end effects and their compatibility with public interest and constitutional framework.
Krawiec, Jakub et al, ‘Tools for Public Health Policy: Nudges and Boosts as Active Support of the Law in Special Situations Such as the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (PsyArXiv Prepints, published 22 March 2021, 22 March 2021) Abstract: In recent years, “nudging” has become a standard behavioral intervention at the individual level and for the design of social policies. Although nudges are effective, such interventions seem to be limited to a given space and time, and there is only scant evidence to support the contrary view. On the other hand, choice architects may utilize another type of intervention called “boosting,” which shows the promise of generalized and lasting behavioral change. The government can use these tools to shape public policy. Behavioral interventions such as policy-making tools have their boundaries, as does the law. We argue that nudging and boosting may serve as active aids in support of the legal system under certain circumstances. Nudging and boosting can also support the legal system especially in relation to emerging social issues or events that are unprecedented, such as the recent COVID-19 pandemic, where certain behavioral patterns are expected, but it would be hard or impossible to enforce them through the law alone.
Krumbein, Frederic, ‘The Protection of Human Rights by Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan during Taiwan’s Crisis Management of the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No 4325837, 16 January 2023) Abstract: Taiwan is a success story compared to other countries in terms of the number of COVID-19 infections and deaths. Taiwan’s achievement has relied on effective institutions, crisis management, and cooperation between state and society. While the success factors of Taiwan’s crisis management of COVID-19 have been analyzed, less research has been conducted about the protection of human rights during Taiwan’s fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, in particular the role of Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan. The paper analyzes Taiwan’s COVID-19 policies, their impact on human rights, and the role of Taiwan’s parliament in safeguarding human rights in Taiwan’s pandemic management. Overall, Taiwan’s government and parliament tried to protect human rights by avoiding serious infringements on personal liberty, such as lockdowns and curfews, and by including provisions for protecting human rights in the pandemic prevention policies and measures, such as regulations for protection of personal data. However, not all measures were proportional or necessary, and overall, the parliament has been reluctant in exercising its powers of oversight and control over the government’s COVID-19 policies.
Krusian, Anzhelika R et al, ‘The Institutional and Legal Justification of the Restriction of Freedom of Movement in Conditions of Counteraction the Spread of the Covid-19 Pandemic’ [2020] (42) Revista San Gregorio 257–266 Abstract: The study touches upon the issue of determining the current state of ensuring and restricting freedom of movement in Ukraine in the context of counteracting the spread of the COVID - 19 pandemic. Particular attention is paid to the substantive component and the expediency of certain restrictions on freedom of movement, namely: self-isolation and observation. The normative-legal bases of restriction of the constitutional right to freedom of movement are investigated and gaps of their substantiation are revealed.
Krznarich, Courtney, ‘The Pitfalls of Judicial Activism During COVID-19: An Analysis of Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm, 55 UIC L. Rev. 94 (2022)’ (2022) 55(1) UIC Law Review 94-119 Abstract: This Note will illuminate how the Wisconsin Supreme Court erred in its decision in Wisconsin Legislature v. Palm.12 Part II of this Note will cover the background of the DHS in Wisconsin and what led to the erroneous decision in Palm. Part III will explain why the court’s evaluation of Secretary-elect Andrea Palm’s issuance of Emergency Order 28 was flawed. It will also explain how the Wisconsin Supreme Court Justices’ personal disfavor for the broad discretion granted through Wisconsin Statute Section 252.02 (‘Chapter 252’) influenced them to evaluate its powers in a narrow way. This part will also highlight what led the court to unjustly strike Order 28 in its entirety and leave Wisconsinites with no guidance on how to avoid contracting COVID-19. Finally, this Note will offer a personal analysis of Palm, offering a more effective statutory analysis and logical outcome to the issues presented in the case.
Kuiper, Malouke Esra et al, ‘The Intelligent Lockdown: Compliance with COVID-19 Mitigation Measures in the Netherlands’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No ID 3598215, 6 May 2020) Abstract: In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Dutch government has introduced an ‘intelligent lockdown’ with stay at home and social distancing measures. The Dutch approach to mitigate the virus focuses less on repression and more on moral appeals and self-discipline. This study assessed how compliance with the measures have worked out in practice and what factors might affect whether Dutch people comply with the measures. We analyzed data from an online survey, conducted between April 7-14, among 568 participants. The overall results showed reported compliance was high. This suggests that the Dutch approach has to some extent worked as hoped in practice. Repression did not play a significant role in compliance, while intrinsic (moral and social) motivations did produce better compliance. Yet appeals on self-discipline did not work for everyone, and people with lower impulse control were more likely to violate the rules. In addition, compliance was lower for people who lacked the practical capacity to follow the measures and for those who have the opportunity to break the measures. Sustained compliance, therefore, relies on support to aid people to maintain social distancing and restrictions to reduce opportunities for unsafe gatherings. These findings suggest several important practical recommendations for combating the COVID-19 pandemic.
Kurniawan, R Firdaus, Mutia Evi Kristhy and Feriza Winanda Lubis, ‘Duties of Government and the Supreme of Law in Emergency: Coronavirus Disaster Outbreak in Indonesia’ (2022) 6(2) International Journal of Health Sciences 931–941 Abstract: The purpose of this research is to evaluate and assess (1) the government’s actions and policies in an emergency crisis that occurred in Indonesia; and (2) the rule of law in Indonesia in emergencies. This study is a descriptive qualitative study that describes government policy and the rule of law in Indonesia during an emergency. This article is based on secondary legal materials, such as books, journals, essays, and other written works from both print and digital media, as well as field occurrences. The study’s findings indicate that (1) the coronavirus illness outbreak is a non-natural disaster, including a pandemic, in which case the government established several strategies throughout the COVID-19 pandemic emergency response period; It is noted that 1 Perppu (Government Regulation in Lieu of Law), 1 PP (Government regulations), 1 Perpres (Presidential Regulation), 1 Inpres (Presidential Instruction), 4 Keppres (Presidential decree), 15 Permen (Ministerial regulation), 19 Kepmen (Ministerial decree), and dozens of decrees and circulars have been issued, which were specifically formed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic situation as a rule of law.
La Viña, Antonio GM, ‘Change and Continuity: COVID-19 and the Philippine Legal System’ in Suresh Nanwani and William Loxley (eds), Social Structure Adaptation to COVID-19: Impact on Humanity (Taylor & Francis, 2024) 140-148 [OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK] Abstract: The Philippine government under the Duterte administration fit squarely into the “strong man” category. Thus, it was no surprise and exactly as expected when its approach during the pandemic was of the same kind. The government “fought” the pandemic the same way it fought the drug war – through brute force. However, looking now with a retrospective gaze at the government’s response, we can see that the strongman approach may not have been the best. Through the lens of the law, we must review what was attempted, what was experienced, and what lingers on in Filipino society. Was the law used efficiently, effectively, and empathetically? Was the government’s hard stance effective or a failure?
Labuschaigne, Melodie, ‘Ethicolegal Issues Relating to the South African Government’s Response to COVID-19: Research’ (2020) 13(1) South African Journal of Bioethics and Law 23–28 Abstract: Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa in particular, is one of the last continents to have recorded COVID-19 cases, and is expected to be severely impacted by the virus. The lack of intensive care capacity and under-resourced public healthcare settings in many African countries, coupled with high levels of poverty and poor access to healthcare services, applies to some extent to South Africa (SA). The SA government’s swift and decisive response to address COVID-19 in March 2020, although praised by many, is increasingly being criticised for its disproportionate, contradictory and harsh consequences, not to mention a range of legal challenges that have followed since the introduction of lockdown measures in terms of the Disaster Management Act. This article examines some of the ethical and legal issues relating to the government’s approach to COVID-19.
Labuschaigne, Melodie and Ciara Staunton, ‘The Rationality of South Africa’s State of Disaster During COVID-19’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 347 Abstract: As a deeply unequal society with a poorly-resourced public health system and a significant tuberculosis and HIV infection burden, the South African government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been the focus of close scrutiny. Opting for a state of national disaster instead of a state of emergency, the government promulgated a series of restrictions linked to a five-tiered risk adjusted strategy aimed at limiting the spread of the virus. The rationality of the government’s approach of opting for ministerial expert advisory committees and limiting Parliament’s oversight role in managing the disaster were contested in a series of legal challenges. This demonstrated the need for clear, justifiable and reasonable decisions, as well as the vital role of courts in protecting against potentially arbitrary decisions and providing for accountability mechanisms. The government’s negative response to experts’ criticism of its handling of the pandemic fails to recognise the importance of public debate in a functioning democracy and particularly during a public health crisis. With courts remaining the only check on decisions being made, it has become clear that Parliament should play a role in decision-making during this and future pandemics.
Lachmayer, Konrad, ‘Constitutional Compliance or Governmental Mismanagement? Rights Limitation in Austria from Lockdowns to Compulsory Vaccination’ in Arianna Vedaschi (ed), Government Policies to Fight Pandemics: Defining the Boundaries of Legitimate Limitations on Fundamental Freedoms (Intersentia, 2023) (forthcoming) Abstract: This paper traces back the legal COVID-19 responses by the Austrian government. In the first part of the paper legal and institutional issues are raised. The rejection of the state of emergency, the concept of legal responses, the role of Parliament and the multilevel system will be examined. The second part focuses on the limitation of fundamental rights and the case law of the Austrian Constitutional Court.
Láncos, Petra Lea and László Christián, ‘Domestic Soft Law Regulation During the COVID-Lockdown in Hungary: A Novel Regulatory Approach to a Unique Global Challenge’ (2021) 12(1) European Journal of Risk Regulation 77-92 Abstract: On 13 March 2020 the Hungarian Government announced the immediate closure of all schools throughout the country to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Several hundred thousand children were suddenly faced with learning from home and teachers scrambled to ensure the provision of ongoing education. Responding to the situation, the Hungarian Educational Authority hurried to assist schools and nursery schools by issuing recommendations on the use of digital tools in providing education, information and correspondence. During the COVID-19 pandemic and the special legal order consequently introduced by the Hungarian Government, Hungary has seen the emergence of such non-binding measures adopted by public entities, in particular, national administrative authorities, bodies and agencies. These forms of soft law have complemented governmental action taken in the fight against the pandemic, with the aim of providing guidance to ‘external addressees’, such as businesses, schools and bodies exercising a public service function. The protective measures adopted under the special legal order, including soft law norms, are deemed to be successful and largely followed by the addressees. Since soft law has hitherto been neglected by both Hungarian administrative governance and legal literature, the recent burgeoning of non-binding measures deserves scholarly attention. In this article, we set out to map the specific context of the emerging domestic soft law, the conditions for their adoption as well as their reception, relying on our case study conducted in respect of the recommendations of the National Educational Authority.
Landau, David, ‘The COVID-19 Emergency and Instability in Latin America’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No 4577079, 1 September 2023) Abstract: The standard story is that emergencies are dangerous because they centralize power in the executive, undermining checks on power, allow for abuses of rights, and potentially erode the democratic order. Scholars have long wrestled with how to design emergency powers so as to avoid these pitfalls, and Latin Americanists have a deep historical familiarity with the abuses posed under the guise of suppressing emergencies. Yet the experience of many Latin American countries during the COVID pandemic belies the standard story. While presidents in a few countries (such as Mexico and Venezuela) did indeed seem to use the pandemic to centralize power in anti-democratic ways, in many countries presidential governance was extremely difficult, with weak, embattled presidents contending with waves of instability. Rather than accruing power, in other words, presidents in a number of countries across the region were merely trying to hold on to it. Consider, for example, that Peru saw two pandemic-era impeachments and a resignation, Ecuador a narrowly-survived impeachment attempt in the midst of mass protests, Chile a failed attempt to rewrite a constitution, and Colombia a series of escalating protests that forced the incumbent president to make a u-turn on austere economic policy. Why has experience across the region been so discordant with theoretical expectations about political behavior during emergencies? First, many countries in the region were facing instability before the pandemic occurred, so COVID added governance challenges during already-difficult periods. Second, as Versteeg and Ginsburg have pointed out, emergencies come in different flavors, and the last round of theorizing (which was based largely on the post-9/11 context) may be less applicable to the distinct patterns of politics caused by the pandemic. And third, as emphasized in this brief chapter, the pandemic itself, and the many restrictions imposed by governments in response to it, had devastating economic effects on already-fragile and patchy economies and social safety nets. Inflation spiked, while GDP contracted and unemployment and poverty rates increased sharply. In Europe and the United States, governments responded to these challenges in unprecedented ways, creating new temporary or permanent programs and expanding new ones. But across most of Latin America, the response was much less adequate. Governments across the region were not able to figure out adequate responses to the economic side of the emergency, and this in turn fed many of the protests and other forms of instability seen throughout the region.
Lang, Iris Goldner, ‘EU COVID-19 Certificates: A Critical Analysis’ (2021) 12(2) European Journal of Risk Regulation 298–307 Abstract: On 17 March 2021, the European Commission put forward its Proposal for a Regulation on Digital Green Certificates, which would facilitate European Union (EU) cross-border movement during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Regulation on the EU Digital COVID Certificate was adopted on 14 June 2021 and it will start to apply from 1 July 2021. This article examines the main declared goals of the new Regulation – the first being that Digital COVID Certificates facilitate safe cross-border movement, the second being that they preclude more restrictive national measures, the third being that they prevent discrimination and the fourth being that they coordinate Member States’ actions. In so doing, it highlights the main benefits and weaknesses of the Regulation, but it also goes beyond the Regulation by tackling broader questions of EU law that will be of relevance even once the pandemic is over. In this respect, the paper highlights the importance of science in assessing the proportionality of pandemic-related measures and of choosing the least restrictive and the most individualised options when restricting free movement due to public health reasons. It also identifies the effects EU certificates will have on Member States’ regulation of national COVID-19 certificates, notably those designed for other purposes than cross-border travel, and it shows that there is a thin line between the EU’s and national competences in this area.
Lang, Iris Goldner, ‘“Laws of Fear” in the EU: The Precautionary Principle and Public Health Restrictions to Free Movement of Persons in the Time of COVID-19’ (2023) 14(1) European Journal of Risk Regulation 141–164 Abstract: COVID-19 has demonstrated the fragility of EU free movement rules when we are faced with an unknown virus of such magnitude and strength that it threatens our lives, health systems, economies and society. The aim of this text is to show the dynamics between the threat of COVID-19 and the rules imposed as a response to the pandemic, which have impacted the functioning of the EU internal market and the Schengen area. The text will concentrate on the application of the precautionary principle and public health restrictions, caused by COVID-19, to free movement of persons in the EU. The analysis will lead to three conclusions. First, it will be shown that the decisions to apply free movement restrictions and the logic followed in the EU COVID-19-related documents can be viewed as a triumph of the precautionary principle. Second, it will be argued that implementing the precautionary principle has a transformative effect on the application of the principle of proportionality in EU law. Finally, it will be shown that COVID-19 has emphasised and increased the difference between the conditions for the applicability of public health restrictions when compared to restrictions based on public policy and public security grounds.
Lat, Tanya and Michael Henry Yusingco, ‘Reimagining Governance: Reclaiming Solidarity and Subsidiarity in the Time of COVID-19’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3645935, 8 July 2020) Abstract: The COVID-19 crisis is the most complex and challenging peacetime crisis that the world has ever faced in recent history. Over the course of 5 months, the novel coronavirus has infected more than 6.1 million people in 188 countries and caused the death of almost 400,000 people around the world. The pandemic has forced governments worldwide to declare national lockdowns, shutting down schools and workplaces, disrupting travel, and forcing billions of people around the world to retreat into their homes. When the Philippines emerged from lockdown on June 1, 2020, 18,638 people had tested positive for the novel coronavirus and 960 people had died from the disease. This pandemic is proving to be unlike anything that humanity has experienced before. The rapid spread of the virus coupled with its high reproduction rate and unusually long incubation period has caught governments off-guard as they scramble to adapt to the situation. The pandemic is turning out to be a large-scale social experiment in governance and crisis management, as countries are forced to confront the limitations of their current systems. Two dominant governance models have emerged on how to address the crisis. The first is China’s authoritarian, command-and-control model which uses centralized monitoring, police surveillance, and harsh punishment. The second model is a more democratic model used by South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore which relies on extensive testing, honest reporting, and cooperation between government and the citizens. In battling this pandemic, the Philippines is currently caught in a tug-of-war between the national government’s authoritarian approach to the crisis, and local governments and private citizens push for involvement and participation to fill the gaps of national governance. This paper will analyze the dynamics between national government, local governments, and the private sector, and offer recommendations on how local autonomy and citizens’ participation can help support innovation and strengthen governance towards addressing the myriad issues brought about by the pandemic.
Lawson, David, ‘The Power to Quarantine.’ [2020] Lawyer (Online Edition) 1 Abstract: The article discusses law and practice of quarantine of individuals, of groups and of places, of the unwell and of the healthy including the outbreak of coronavirus, 2019-nCoV, that quarantine can take many forms from regions larger than the UK in lock down to individuals in intensive treatment via groups of people detained for precautionary monitoring; last category includes the recent evacuees to the UK from Wuhan signed a contract to remain at Arrowe Park Hospital in the Wirral for 2 weeks.
Lazarus, Dr Liora, ‘A Preliminary Human Rights Assessment of Legislative and Regulatory Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic across 11 Jurisdictions’ (University of Oxford, Faculty of Law, Bonavero Institute of Human Rights, Bonavero Report No 3/2020, 6 May 2020) Abstract: Extract from Introduction: Our evaluation of Covid 19 measures also takes into account the positive obligations that States bear to protect life, access to health and health security, and the extent to which these obligations should be shaped by countervailing negative rights. A stereoscopic view of the human rights engaged in public health emergencies is thus crucial in assessing the rights conformity of particular measures. What is essential in this evaluation, are robust, transparent and expert mechanisms of accountability which are able to evaluate the scientific justifications of both rights limitations and the requirements of positive duties. This is not only a matter of proper constitutional practice, but also a requirement flowing from the effective protection of these rights…. The following report includes analyses of a cross section of jurisdictions from the global South and North. A crucial material divide between these jurisdictions lies in medical care capacity, the material impact of containment measures, and the capacity of States to mitigate the economic impact of containment measures on citizens. Each section of the report provides detailed examination of the lockdown measures and evaluates their constitutional and human rights implications. Despite these evident differences, there are clear trends and similarities across jurisdictions which this introduction will briefly highlight.
Le, Ho Trung Hieu, ‘Why Does the Government of Vietnam Become Successful in the Fight Against the Covid-19 Pandemic from Legal Perspectives?’ (2022) 1(1) Conference Proceedings of the International Conference on COVID-19 Pandemic and Public Health System 25–42 Abstract: In the hope of limiting the adverse impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and protecting human health rights, state governments currently endeavor to implement regulations and grant feasible policies to both people and organizations. By contrast to countries failing to prevent this pandemic, there were successful role models in this fight all around the world in 2020, one of which in Asia is Vietnam. The reality indicates that the ratio of reported casualties and infected cases in Vietnam was relatively low in 2020 in spite of the limited medical systems and the high population rate. A question is raised what Vietnam performed a miracle to prevent the COVID-19 pandemic effectively over the time. Currently, Vietnam encounters the fourth phase of the COVID-19 outbreak after the success achieved in the previous three phases. Therefore, the upcoming missions and strategies should be recommended for the Government of Vietnam to overcome current difficulties and maintain success in this fight. To clarify these issues, this study will use a mixed-methodology of qualitative and quantitative approaches to evaluate both past and current policies and measures implemented by the Government of Vietnam as well as public awareness in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic.
Le, Tuyet-Anh T et al, ‘Policy Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Vietnam’ (2021) 18(2) International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 559 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has become one of the most serious health crises in human history, spreading rapidly across the globe from January 2020 to the present. With prompt and drastic measures, Vietnam is one of the few countries that has largely succeeded in controlling the outbreak. This result is derived from a harmonious combination of many factors, with the policy system playing a key role. This study assessed the policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Vietnam from the early days of the outbreak in January 2020 to 24 July 2020 (with a total of 413 cases confirmed and 99 days of no new cases infected from the local community) by synthesizing and evaluating 959 relevant policy documents in different classifications. The findings show that the Vietnamese policy system responded promptly, proactively, and effectively at multiple authority levels (33 different agencies from the national to provincial governments), using a range of policy tools and measures. Parallel to the daily occurrence of 2.24 new cases, 5.13 new policy documents were issued on average per day over the study period. The pandemic policy response over the first six months in Vietnam were divided into four periods, I (23 January–5 March), II (6–19 March), III (20 March–21 April), and IV (22 April–24 July). This paper synthesizes eight solution groups for these four anti-pandemic phases, including outbreak announcements and steering documents, medical measures, blockade of the schools, emergency responses, border and entry control measures, social isolation and nationwide social isolation measures, financial supports, and other measures. By emphasizing diversification of the policy responses, from the agencies to the tools and measures, the case study reviews and shares lessons from the successful COVID-19 prevention and control in Vietnam that could be useful for other nations.
Le Roux, Matthieu, Olivier Bustin and Carolina Reis, ‘Gabon: Priority Measures’ [2020] (Summer) International Financial Law Review 69–72 Abstract: Gabon responded quickly to COVID-19, leveraging off its experience with ebola and cholera. This article reviews the results of the government’s actions and what the pandemic says about Gabon’s future economic development.
LeClercq, Desiree, ‘Judicial Review of Emergency Administration’ (2022) 72(1) American University Law Review 143–214 Abstract: This Article seeks to describe and defend the judicial review of federal agencies’ responses to national emergencies – what I refer to as ‘emergency administration.’ That may prove difficult. Agencies are experts in their respective fields. During emergencies, scholars and policymakers assume that judges will defer to that expertise under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA). On January 13, 2022, the Supreme Court defied that assumption when it blocked the Biden Administration’s workplace vaccine and masking rules. Critics now assume that judges are reviewing emergency administration to constrain regulation. Both assumptions conclude that judicial review is neither sincere nor helpful during crises. As a result, bipartisan members of Congress are introducing new legislation to take control over emergency oversight.Efforts to rebalance emergency powers are mistaken. Using a unique dataset of the APA cases that arose during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic, I show how federal judges invalidated emergency administration that unjustifiably violated the APA in over half of the cases. Agencies carried out much of their emergency administration under presidential control and not, necessarily, their expertise. The trajectory of judicial review during emergencies suggests that judges are becoming increasingly aware of presidential control and its harmful effects on vulnerable populations. Judges’ willingness to uphold the APA’s standards and protections during emergencies has significant implications for current legislative efforts and the balance of emergency powers.
Lee, Darius, ‘Covid-19 in Singapore: “Responsive Communitarianism” and the Legislative Approach to the “Most Serious Crisis” Since Independence’ [2020] (September) Singapore Journal of Legal Studies 630–664 Abstract: The Singapore government has called the COVID-19 pandemic ‘the most serious crisis’ that Singapore has faced since Independence. However, Singapore did not issue a Proclamation of Emergency. Instead, it adopted a ‘legislative model’ of emergency powers, addressing COVID-19 through ordinary legislation, including and especially the new COVID-19 (Temporary Measures) Act 2020. Despite the sweeping nature of the powers thereunder, the government has exercised a calibrated approach in its measures, shaped by communitarian norms and high level of responsiveness towards the needs of members of the Singapore community, albeit not without its weaknesses. This article thus makes the case that Singapore’s response to COVID-19 has been characterised by two main features: a legislative emergency in law and ‘responsive communitarianism’ in practice. It argues that COVID-19 has seen the further concentration of executive power where the law is increasingly instrumentalised as a tool towards social and political priorities.
Lee, Edward, ‘Informal Governance of the United States’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 4032053, 9 February 2022) Abstract: The United States faces vexing problems. Yet many people—indeed, a majority of Americans—think the government is broken. The prospect that the federal government can tackle the many challenges the country faces, from attacks on election administration to faltering infrastructure and a deadly pandemic, seem dim. In the face of these profound challenges, policymakers may have to turn to more innovative approaches. Informal governance, which lacks written or formal authorization, organization, and rules, may become the last best hope for solving intractable problems and breaking the gridlock and polarization in Washington. Although the United States prizes a written Constitution and the formal rule of law, informal governance of the United States dates back to President George Washington’s creation of and reliance on a cabinet, an institution nowhere mentioned in the Constitution or then-existing federal law, to deal with national crises facing the early United States. This Article examines two more recent examples of informal governance of the United States—an informal group of physicians known as the Wolverines who orchestrated the strategy of social interventions in the United States during the pandemic and an informal group of Republicans and Democrats, business and labor groups, who joined to promote election integrity during the 2020 U.S. elections, including respect for the final election results. By studying these case studies, this Article identifies the promises and perils of informal governance of the United States. The Article sets forth a constitutional theory based on the Tenth Amendment to justify the general practice of informal governance, but also identifies valid concerns about the lack of transparency and accountability, and potential for abuses and even illegality that informal governance may foster. The Article closes by offering several reforms or safeguards to prevent informal governance from devolving into rogue operations or a shadow government.
Lee, Francis LF, ‘The Struggle to Remember Tiananmen Under COVID-19 and the National Security Law in Hong Kong’ in Orli Fridman and Sarah Gensburger (eds), The COVID-19 Pandemic and Memory: Remembrance, Commemoration, and Archiving in Crisis (Springer, 2024) 153–174 Abstract: This chapter examines Hong Kong people’s struggle to continue to commemorate the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown after the establishment of the National Security Law in 2020, which coincided with the COVID-19 outbreak. Under the new legal and political environment, a process of memory erasure has begun, reversing the achievements of memory institutionalization in the previous decades. Yet the state has not yet explicitly declared Tiananmen commemoration illegal. Between 2020 and 2022, the state utilized the group gathering prohibition under COVID-19 to ban the annual June 4 vigil. More broadly, it relied on the inducement of self-censorship to eliminate references to Tiananmen in the public arena. I argue that COVID-19 has helped sustain the condition of ambiguity that is central to the state’s attempt to suppress Tiananmen commemoration through societal self-censorship. Nevertheless, some Hong Kong citizens continued to contest the right to commemorate by engaging in improvisatory, individualized, and digitalized actions.
Lee, Sabinne, Changho Hwang and M Jae Moon, ‘Policy Learning and Crisis Policy-Making: Quadruple-Loop Learning and COVID-19 Responses in South Korea’ (2020) 39(3) Policy and Society 363–381 Abstract: This study aims to analyze how the Korean government has been effective in taming COVID-19 without forced interruptions (i.e. lockdowns) of citizens’ daily lives. Extending the theory of organizational learning, we propose the quadruple-loop learning model, through which we examine how a government can find solutions to a wicked policy problem like COVID-19. The quadruple-loop learning model is applied to explain how the Korean government could effectively tame COVID-19 in the initial stage through its agile as well as adaptive approach based on effective interactions of backstage (time, target, and context) and frontstage of policy processes mainly focusing on the initial stage until the highest alert level was announced. Based on the Korean case, this study also examines critical factors to effective learning organizations such as leadership, information and transparency, as well as citizen participation and governance.
Lee, Yong-Shik, ‘Managing COVID-19: Legal and Institutional Issues’ (22) 23(1) Minnesota Journal of Law, Science & Technology 1–76 Abstract: The spread of the recent pandemic, COVID-19 – which began in Wuhan, in December of 2019 – has created an unprecedented impact on public health in the United States and across the world. As of November 1, 2020, the United States reported over nine million infection cases and 230,000 deaths. Those cases represent twenty percent of the reported infection cases in the world whereas the population of the United States is less than four percent of the world population. The United States has not been successful in managing this pandemic and stopping its spread effectively even though it possesses the largest medical, financial, and administrative resources in the world. This article analyzes the legal and institutional causes of this failure and explores possible remedies in three areas: provision of public healthcare to combat the pandemic; the regulation of public conduct to prevent the spread of the pandemic; and public access to information. The article also calls for a new approach; it explains why a law and development approach is relevant and applies the General Theory of Law and Development to assess the proposed remedies. The article advocates law and institutions as a remedy to fill the gaps created by ineffective political leadership in the management of COVID-19.
Leow, Darren, ‘Bespoke Coronavirus Legislation and the Wrinkled Well-Fitted Shirt’ [2021] Singapore Comparative Law Review 57–65 Abstract: The sudden and unprecedented onset of the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (‘COVID-19’) pandemic has caused colossal disruptions to nearly everyone’s lives and sent ripples throughout the global economy. While the precise response that each country has taken to counter the pandemic differs, many countries have passed some form of legislation enabling the executive to use a suite of powers to curb the spread of the deadly virus, to varying degrees of success. Yet, have these measures conferred too much power on the executive and hindered accountability? Will the response to the current crisis set a precedent for similar issues in the future? These are issues that this essay seeks to explore, by focusing on the COVID-19 legislation used in Singapore and in the United Kingdom.
Li, Victor WT and Trevor TW Wan, ‘COVID-19 Control and Preventive Measures: A Medico-Legal Analysis’ (2021) 27 Hong Kong Medical Journal (advance article, published 11 June 2021) Extract from Introduction: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has compelled governments around the world to deploy preventive and control measures of unprecedented stringency and scale. In Hong Kong, the Chief Executive-in-Council has invoked extensive powers under Section 8 of the Prevention and Control of Disease Ordinance (Cap 599) and adopted a series of subsidiary regulations in an attempt to control the spread of COVID-19. Such extensive power is subject to judicial scrutiny using a four-stage proportionality inquiry tailored for evaluating whether rights and freedomsderogating laws and measures are consistent with the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance (Cap 383). In the context of a public health emergency, it has to be shown that such laws and measures pursue legitimate aims that are required by the ‘exigencies of the public health situation’ and are rationally connected to them. They should also be no more than reasonably necessary to achieve these aims without imposing an unacceptably harsh burden upon the individual. Drawing upon the framework of the proportionality inquiry, we seek to explore the medical and constitutional justifications underlying three of such regulations: compulsory use of face masks, group gatherings ban, and compulsory testing for high-risk groups. Furthermore, we will comment on the potential mandatory use of the ‘LeaveHomeSafe’ application in public facilities for contact tracing purposes, as well as compulsory vaccination for healthcare workers.
Li, Weian, Yaowei Zhang and Qiankun Meng, ‘Urgent Problems and Countermeasures of Emergency Governance System under COVID-19 Outbreak’ 35(3) Bulletin of Chinese Academy of Sciences 235-239 Abstract: The outbreak of COVID-19 is a great test of the effectiveness of the modern governance system and ability. Faced with the epidemic, to straighten out the emergency governance system of government governance, social governance and corporate governance initiated by severe public health emergencies is the key to deal with the crisis. This study puts forward the top-level design principle, borrowing principle, classification governance principle, cost sharing principle, and disclosure principle to be followed in the smooth running of emergency governance system, points out the weaknesses of emergency governance system which should be strengthened, and proposes the corresponding suggestions and measures in the critical period of epidemic response, so as to improve the effectiveness of the governance system.
Lilienthal, Gary I, ‘Anti-Pandemic Legal Rules: Medicalization by the Established Contagion Principles of Fracastoro’ in Gary I Lilienthal (ed), Human Capital and Development: Economic Issues, Problems and Perspectives (Nova Science Publishers, 2021) 257–297
Link to book page on publisher’s website for details and pricing Abstract: In 2020, Rajasthan acted against more than 1,300 people for violating anti-pandemic rules, relating to COVID-19, suggesting ‘medicalization’ of the government’s response. The objective of this research is to examine critically the genesis of this form of medical regulation. The question is whether the state response to pandemics is medicalized, and if so, how. Argument seeks to demonstrate that early regulatory and legislative responses had derived from fears of ‘otherness’, arising from alchemical medical metaphors, allowing states to confer administrative powers onto medical officials to contain the jurisdiction’s human capital and prevent its decay. Fracastoro’s alchemical formulae for opposing seedlets by antipathetic means were the bases for future legislation. The 542 CE Acts of Justinian established a system by which pandemics could be controlled. Fracastoro demonstrated to the Pope that his alchemical metaphor of contagion could move and herd a Papal conclave. The International Sanitary Conferences confirmed national rules into international medicalization of human capital, using Fracastoro’s principles, becoming the International Health Regulations 2005.
Liljeblad, Jonathan and Ama Doe, ‘Virulent Pandemic and Fragile Democracy in Myanmar: Complications of Covid-19 Policies and the 2020 National Elections’ (2022) 22(2) Australian Journal of Asian Law 59–73 Abstract: The spread of the Covid-19 pandemic to Myanmar posed particular problems for the country, which had an elevated level of vulnerability due to the country’s weak health system, high poverty rates, low levels of development, and weak government capacities. The country struggled to address the pandemic, with public health measures enacted in the midst of a growing surge in positive Covid-19 cases that accelerated in August and September 2020. The arrival of the pandemic coincided with national elections in November 2020. The requirement for political campaigns, voting, and polling stations occurred simultaneously with the imposition of stay-at-home orders, social distancing, business shutdowns, and travel restrictions. Studying events up to January 2021, the paper reviews and compares Myanmar’s concurrent efforts to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic and the national elections, and investigates the legal issues raised by Covid-19 strategies for the state’s management of the 2020 national elections. The analysis then assesses the significance of the Covid-19 pandemic for Myanmar’s election laws and draws implications for the country’s politics. The scope of analysis addresses events up to January 2021 and so does not encompass the 1 February 2021 military coup, but the paper offers some comments for future directions in research to address events in Myanmar after the coup.
Lin, Ching-Fu, Chien-Huei Wu and Chuan-feng Wu, ‘Reimaging the Administrative State in Times of Global Health Crisis: An Anatomy of Taiwan’s Regulatory Actions in Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2020) 11(2) European Journal of Risk Regulation Special Issue-‘Taming COVID-19 by Regulation’ 256-272 Extract from Introduction: The regulation and governance of communicable diseases in Taiwan are underpinned by the Communicable Disease Control Act (CDC Act). The law serves as a framework for government actions during public health emergencies, including inter alia setting up a disease control network by dividing the country into regions; establishing a centralised platform to command and coordinate agencies’ actions, share information and respond to inquiries; integrating personnel, facilities and resources in preparation for outbreaks; issuing voluntary and mandatory isolation orders; and implementing border restrictions. A closer look at the legislation as well as more recent developments suggests an explicit institutional design choice that upholds technocracy and delegates significant authority and broad discretion to health experts in the Executive Branch to steer the country in times of emergency, entrenching an administrative state8 in this young democracy.
Lindseth, Peter L, ‘Executives, Legislatures, and the Semantics of EU Public Law: A Pandemic-Inflected Perspective’ in Diane Fromage and Anna Herranz-Surrallés (eds), Executive-Legislative (Im)Balance in the European Union (Hart, 2021) Abstract: This contribution will serve as the epilogue to a forthcoming volume on executive-legislative relations in the European Union (EU). It begins by noting that the EU’s response to the coronavirus pandemic, encouraging though it may be in some respects, has nonetheless reminded us of the constraints placed on a system of supranational governance that lacks a legislative fiscal capacity of its own. Although there is much excitement about the pandemic ‘recovery fund’ built on borrowing against the EU budget (and distributed, at least in part, through grants), the fund will still be ultimately backed by the fiscal capacities of the member states severally rather than by the EU’s own. Autonomous fiscal capacity, however, is arguably the core attribute of a genuinely ‘constitutional’ form of governance, and more specifically of a genuinely constitutional ‘legislature’. The EU’s persistent lack of a fiscal capacity of its own leads this epilogue to pose an admittedly radical question: Semantically speaking, is it right even to speak of the EU possessing ‘legislative’ power at all, at least in the most robust sense of the term, when it otherwise lacks autonomous fiscal capacity? This question might seem bizarre given key features of the EU’s institutional system, notably the existence of an elected assembly—the European Parliament (EP)—as well as that body’s participation in something called the ‘ordinary legislative procedure’ (OLP) in order to make rules of general and prospective application to govern European integration. According to the ‘as if’-constitutional framing that dominates most legal analysis of the EU today, the EP and OLP are so-labelled for a simple reason: they are the focal points of “legislative” power in the European system. And yet, might this labelling be misleading? Might both the EP and OLP merely serve to inject an electoral component into a regulatory system that is fundamentally executive-technocratic (ie administrative) in character? Might specifically “legislative” power in the EU—in the sense of the legitimate-compulsory mobilization of fiscal and human resources—still be concentrated entirely at the national level?With these questions in mind, this epilogue examines the many stimulating topics covered by the chapters in this volume: the application of Rodrik’s famous “political trilemma of the world economy” to the EU context; the role of the EP in counter-balancing the powers of the Commission, Council, and European Council; the expansion of national executive power as a consequence of integration—the so-called “deparliamentarisation” phenomenon—which operates to the obvious detriment of national parliaments (NPs); and finally the respective roles of the EP and NPs, as the case may be, in such areas as trade policy, the supranational regulation of national budgets, as well as several former 'second’ and ‘third pillar’ domains (security, defense, foreign policy, justice and home affairs). Based on this discussion, this epilogue concludes by reflecting on whether the last decade of upheaval in the EU—from the Eurozone crisis to the current pandemic emergency—has brought the EU to a ‘critical juncture’, in which some form of supranationalised fiscal capacity is now in the offing and which, if realised, might then allow the EU to transcend the current but misleading ‘as if’ constitutionalism that continues to characterise discussions of EU public law.
Lipowicz, Irena, Grażyna Szpor and Aleksandra Syrt (eds), Instruments of Public Law: Digital Transformation during the Pandemic (Routledge, 2022)
Link to book details on publisher website Book summary: The Covid 19 pandemic has revealed the need to verify the existing principles of functioning of public authorities, in relation to various decision-making processes, both at the conceptual level and at law implementation. The action of the legislator and public administration towards the society and the economy is conducted using peculiar instruments to control the public administration system. These instruments are likely to be of a public or private law nature. This book takes a comparative approach to examine the issues related to digital transformation in the times of a pandemic regarding the use of public-law instruments in Poland and the wider European context. In particular, the research aims to identify what stage the development of digital solutions in the state’s organization and its authorities has reached, including the organization of public administration; what the has pandemic changed. Exploring the concepts of digital transformation, pandemic and public-law instruments, it provides an analysis of European and national public-law instruments using digital solutions, security and cybersecurity during a pandemic, and concrete issues such as public administration, health protection and social security, economic activity and the system of public finances, and education during the pandemic is performed. Establishing whether particular solutions are durable and to what extent they create a certain standard of response to a threat, it makes recommendations for determining which of the existing solutions is useful for the functioning of the state and its organs and facilitates the performance of their tasks.
Liu, Qian, ‘“Kill the Chicken to Scare the Monkey”: Heavy Penalties, Excessive COVID-19 Control Mechanisms, and Legal Consciousness in China’ (2023) 45(3) Law & Policy 292–310 Abstract: This study analyses the legal consciousness of Chinese citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic when the authoritarian state invoked heavy penalties to deter noncompliance with its excessive COVID-19 restrictions. China used the approach of ‘killing the chicken to scare the monkey,’ publicly punishing those who violated restrictions in order to deter noncompliance. This article explains why ordinary citizens supported this selective application of the law, as well as how the possibility of being the ‘chicken’ contributed to their compliance (or noncompliance) with excessive COVID-19 restrictions. It suggests that the uncertainty and unpredictability of law in the authoritarian state bred fear, which then led to compliance, regardless of the lack of procedural fairness. People’s dissatisfaction with the rules, however, led them to tolerate and even support the noncompliance of people they trusted.
Lock, Daniella, Fiona de Londras and Pablo Grez Hidalgo, ‘Delegated Legislation in the Pandemic: Further Limits of a Constitutional Bargain Revealed’ [2023] Legal Studies (advance article, published online 5 October 2023) Abstract: The challenge that delegated legislation poses to parliamentary sovereignty and associated supremacy in the UK is purportedly addressed through what we term the ‘constitutional bargain of delegated law-making’. This has three elements: the proper limitation of delegation by Parliament through well-designed parent legislation; the exercise of self-restraint by the Executive in the use of delegated authority; and the enablement of meaningful scrutiny by Parliament. As a paradigm situation in which delegated law-making might be said to be necessary, the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic is an apposite context in which to assess the robustness of that bargain. Our analysis uses a sample of Westminster-generated pandemic-related secondary instruments as a peephole into the broader dynamics of this constitutional bargain and further reveals its significant frailties; frailties that are exposed, but not created, by the pandemic.
Loiacono, Luisa et al, ‘Pandemic Perception and Regulation Effectiveness: Evidence from the COVID-19’ (Società Italiana di Economia Pubblica, Working Paper No 770, June 2021) Abstract: The spread of COVID-19 led countries around the world to adopt lockdown measures of varying stringency to restrict movement of people. However, the effectiveness of these measures on mobility has been markedly different. Employing a difference-in-differences design and a set of robustness checks, we analyse the effectiveness of movement restrictions across different countries. We disentangle the role of regulation (stringency measures) from the role of people’s perception about the spread of COVID-19. We proxy the COVID-19 perception by using Google Trends data on the term ‘Covid’. We find that lockdown measures have a higher impact on mobility the more people perceive the severity of COVID-19 pandemic. This finding is driven by countries with low level of trust in institutions.
Longo, Erik, ‘Time and Law in the Post-COVID-19 Era: The Usefulness of Experimental Law’ [2021] (September) Law and Method 1–21 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic swept the world in 2020 impelling us to reconsider the basic principles of constitutional law like the separation of power, the rule of law, human rights protection, etc. The two most pressing legal issues that have attracted the attention of legal scholars so far are, on the one hand, the different regulatory policies implemented by governments and, on the other, the balance among the branches of government in deciding matters of the emergency. The pandemic has determined a further and violent acceleration of the legislature’s temporal dimension and the acknowledgement that, to make legislation quicker, parliament must permanently displace its legislative power in favour of government. Measures adopted to tackle the outbreak and recover from the interruption of economic and industrial businesses powerfully confirm that today our societies are more dependent on the executives than on parliaments and, from a temporal perspective, that the language of the law is substantially the present instead of the future. Against this background, this article discusses how the prevalence of governments’ legislative power leads to the use of temporary and experimental legislation in a time, like the pandemic, when the issue of ‘surviving’ becomes dominant.
Loo, Jane and Mark Findlay, ‘Rule of Law, Legitimacy, and Effective COVID-19 Control Technologies: Arbitrary Powers and Its Influence on Citizens’ Compliance’ (SMU Centre for AI & Data Governance Research Paper No 03/2022, 1 June 2022) Abstract: The project seeks to empirically demonstrate through the interrogation of selected use cases how the legitimacy of the State (measured in part through citizens’ perception of its legitimacy) may have an influence on citizens’ compliance and reception towards State-imposed COVID control measures. State legitimacy, where it relies on differing degrees of representative democracy for authority is demonstrated to be positively influenced by the Rule of Law (RoL) and other normative frames such as ethics. The paper also analyses the role and prevalence of trust and distrust and its interplay with principles of the RoL as both tempering the arbitrary exercises of power and enhancing procedural justice. The paper argues that the enhancement of both State legitimacy and citizens’ trust through RoL compliance have a positive influence on the overall efficacy of COVID control measures leading to more positive health and social outcomes for society. The purpose of the research is not to advance one style of governance or authority over another for successful pandemic control. Rather, working from an underlying global appreciation of ethics to regulate AI-assisted technologies such as those exhibited in contemporary COVID control, the research endeavours, by contextually analysing power, authority, and legitimacy, to question whether Rule of Law compliance has an additional positive influence on COVID control and citizen-perceived legitimacy in those governance settings where trust and confidence, and not just utilitarian satisfaction, complement the State’s control potential and success.
López, Carlos Garrido, ‘The Rule of Law in Response to the Covid Emergency: A Comparative Analysis’ (2023) (66) Revista Catalana de Dret Públic 188–203 Abstract: This work presents an analysis of the measures adopted by the main democratic countries in response to the covid emergency and the compatibility problems that arose between these measures and the guarantees of the rule of law. The global and simultaneous scope of this very serious emergency facilitates comparative analysis and reveals its advantages and shortcomings. The aim of this article is to evaluate the various extra-constitutional methods that were used in response to the state of emergency and also the state of emergency model, starting from the regulation of extraordinary situations and the measures that had to adopt Finally, the analysis focuses on the contradictions that have arisen as a result of the application and non-application of the state of exception model in the response to covid in Europe.
Lord, Phil, ‘COVID-19: Is the Cure “Worse Than the Problem Itself”?’ (2020) McGill Journal of Law and Health Online (21 April 2020) Abstract: President Trump and other prominent Republicans have argued that the measures taken to slow the spread of COVID-19 will create economic consequences too serious to justify the number of lives saved. Are they right? We do the math.
Lord, Phil and Lydia Saad, ‘Outline of Government Programs Related to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Canada’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3567474, 8 April 2020)
Luchini, Stephane et al, ‘Urgently Needed for Policy Guidance: An Operational Tool for Monitoring the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3563688, 30 March 2020) Abstract: The radical uncertainty around the current COVID19 pandemics requires that governments around the world should be able to track in real time not only how the virus spreads but, most importantly, what policies are effective in keeping the spread of the disease under check. To improve the quality of health decision-making, we argue that it is necessary to monitor and compare acceleration/deceleration of confirmed cases over health policy responses, across countries. To do so, we provide a simple mathematical tool to estimate the convexity/concavity of trends in epidemiological surveillance data. Had it been applied at the onset of the crisis, it would have offered more opportunities to measure the impact of the policies undertaken in different Asian countries, and to allow European and North-American governments to draw quicker lessons from these Asian experiences when making policy decisions. Our tool can be especially useful as the epidemic is currently extending to lower-income African and South American countries, some of which have weaker health systems.
Lundgren, Magnus et al, ‘Emergency Powers in Response to COVID-19: Policy Diffusion, Democracy, and Preparedness’ (Stockholm University Faculty of Law Research Paper No. 78) Abstract: The paper relies upon legal as well as political science perspectives and methods. The first part of the paper frames pandemics within in the context of interna
Lunn, Jon and Philip Brien, ‘Coronavirus in Developing Countries: Mapping National Policy Responses’ (House of Commons Library, Insight 29 June 2020) Abstract: This Insight maps the main trends in coronavirus policy to date among developing countries.
Lynch, Michelle, ‘Is the Rule of Law under Threat?’ (2020) 114(6) Gazette of the Law Society of Ireland 48 Abstract: Raises concerns that emergency legislation, enacted around the world in response to the COVID-19 pandemic to control the spread of the disease, could be used to break down the rule of law and place restrictions on democracy, and individual rights and freedoms.
MacDonnell, Vanessa, ‘Ensuring Executive and Legislative Accountability in a Pandemic’ in Colleen M Flood et al (eds), Vulnerable: The Law, Policy and Ethics of COVID-19 (University of Ottawa Press, 2020) 163 Abstract: Holding the executive and the legislature to account is a perennial challenge in an emergency. Even by emergency standards, however, COVID-19 has presented serious accountability challenges. The current situation raises questions about how we ensure that the executive and Parliament are held accountable in a public health crisis like the one COVID-19 has precipitated. I explore some of these questions in this chapter. In doing so, I attempt a fair assessment of the challenges the executive and Parliament face in such a crisis, and suggest ways that nodes of accountability might be found both within and outside the political branches when they are not operating as usual.
Madueke, Onyedikachi, Allens Iheonu Ololo and Ejike Emmanuel, ‘Post COVID-19 Pandemic Nigeria: Implications for Good Governance’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3632039, 21 June 2020) Abstract: Nigeria is going through a perilous time in history as the country is faced with a devastating effect brought about by the deadly spread of COVID-19 pendamic. The measures put in place to curtail the adverse shock of the deadly virus is nothing short of calamitous as they have exposed the Nigerian government inefficiences. A quantum number of Nigerians had died as a result of police/military brutality, hunger and starvation among other anomalies. The discourse, anchored on structural functional explanatory tool of analysis popularised by Spencer Herbert, Talcott Parsons, among others, stressed on the relationship between the various social institutions and the structures that made up the society. The society, acording to the proponents of the theory, is a system with interdependent parts which function together for the stability of the whole. Therefore, to bring about stability and good governance in Nigeria, the Nigerian leaders must strengthen the various institutions and the critical sectors of her economy such as: healthcare, security, education, tourism and hospitality, manufacturing and solid minerals. Nigeria must broaden her revenue base, create sufficient buffers and resilience against exogenous shocks. They should address infrastructural decay, institutional weaknesses and endemic corruption bedeviling her since independence.
Maerz, Seraphine F et al, ‘Worth the Sacrifice? Illiberal and Authoritarian Practices during Covid-19’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3701720, 1 September 2020) Abstract: Excessive use of emergency powers and limitations of media freedoms have raised concerns that Covid-19 is infecting democracy itself. How do government responses to Covid-19 violate democratic standards? How do such violations relate to the countries’ success in limiting the Covid-19 death tolls? We propose a novel conceptualization of which government responses to Covid-19 qualify as a violation of democratic standards and measure such violations using a regularly updated dataset covering 143 countries from March 2020 onward. Our data track seven types of violations of democratic standards for emergency measures during the Covid-19 pandemic: discriminatory measures, derogation of non-derogable rights, abusive enforcement, no time limit on emergency measures, disproportionate limitations on the role of the legislature, official disinformation campaigns, and restrictions on media freedoms. In this article, we provide a comprehensive overview of the extent to which governments have violated democratic standards in their response to Covid-19. Using a regression analysis, we find no relationship between violations of democratic standards for emergency measures and Covid-19 death rates. Thus, violations of democratic standards during the Covid-19 pandemic cannot be justified by the achievement of better public health outcomes. Rather, such crisis driven violations need to be carefully observed as they could signal autocratization.
Magness, Phillip W and Peter C Earle, ‘The Origins and Political Persistence of COVID-19 Lockdowns’ (2021) 25(4) Independent Review 503–520 Abstract: Over the course of just two weeks in mid-March 2020, most of the world went into a state of general lockdown in response to the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). This rapid shift in public-health policy implemented a suite of countermeasures referred to as nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs), including wide-scale ‘nonessential’ business closures, event cancellations, school closures, numerical restrictions on gathering sizes, suspensions of international travel, and shelter-in-place orders—all intended to reduce or mitigate the transmission of the virus. Although initially presented as short-term emergency measures to ‘flatten the curve’ of demand for hospital capacity, many of these responses quickly morphed into persistent policies for the duration of the pandemic.
Mahadew, Roopanand, ‘The Constitutionality of Legal Measures Taken by the Government of Mauritius in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic’ in Ebenezer Durojaye and Derek M Powell (eds), Constitutional Resilience and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa (Springer, 2022) 255–281 Abstract: The Covid-19 has had significant impact on Mauritius from a social, political and economic perspective. While the first and elementary actions taken by the government had been measures to contain and control the pandemic, subsequent legal amendments, post Covid-19, eventually followed which have affected socio-economic rights of Mauritians. The right to work has been the most severely affected arguably with the amendments brought to the Worker’s Rights Act 2019. While these amendments generated significant debate by workers, trade unions and political parties, there have been little movements to constitutionally challenge the legal measures taken in the employment sector. The right to health of Mauritians is arguably affected with the imposition of a consent form prior to vaccination which absolves the government of any responsibility for injuries or death caused by the vaccine. The parliamentary and judicial responses to these amendments have been almost non-existent. The reluctance and inaction of citizens in challenging decisions of the government reading vaccination and limitation of rights have also been found as causes of concern. Finally, the existing constitutional framework on derogation of rights in times of public emergency has also been found to be in dissonance with the Siracusa Principles.
Makarov, VO, ‘Experimental Legal Regimes of Mobilization Type as a Method of Legal Regulation in the Context of COVID-19 Spread’ (2022) 5(4) Pravoprimenenie / Law Enforcement 30–42 Abstract: The author’s classification is proposed, which involves the allocation of optimizing, progressive and mobilization experimental legal regimes for the purpose of experimental legislation. The relevance of the restrictive measures established in order to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 virus infection to the experimental legal regimes of the mobilization type is substantiated. The directions of development of experimental legislation are singled out, suggesting their legitimation and increasing legality. It is proved that the constitutionality of experimental legislation arises when the principle of legal certainty is limited only in the presence of legal guarantees, which are proposed to include the goals of a legal experiment and an assessment of their consequences.
Makateng, David, ‘Implications of Social Adaptation in the Kingdom of Lesotho during 2019-NCoV Pandemic’ (2020) 2(3) Electronic Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 165–183 Abstract: This paper expatiates on the outbreak of coronavirus (2019-nCoV) in a city named Wuhan in China using the Kingdom of Lesotho as a case study. It is the essence of this paper to break, analyze, and deduct the concept of coronavirus and to present its causes and how it can be thwarted from spreading. A research gap under investigation of this paper originates from an argument from two Lesotho students studying in the People’s Republic of China who were conversing about the readiness of Lesotho in the context of the 2019-nCoV pandemic. The nature of this paper argues on the implications and readiness of the social adaptations in the Kingdom of Lesotho in relation to the 2019-nCov pandemic. Results in this paper subscribe to the theoretical background of 2019 Novel Coronavirus, the framework of family coronavirus, an outbreak of 2019-nCoV in the Kingdom of Lesotho, the effects of lockdown and prevention over the spread of Coronavirus (2019-nCoV) in Lesotho. The method of approach conducting this paper is a qualitative meta-analysis. Data is collected from different sources and reliable journals, reliable websites, and interviews. This paper explores with a succinct summary of the outbreak of 2019-nCoV in Lesotho. The closure of schools and the impact of how small businesses moved most of the small businesses to bankruptcy are also discussed in this paper. Lesotho remained corona-free until May 2020 since 2020-nCoV emerge in Wuhan, China. This study concludes by putting forward the measures which the Kingdom of Lesotho should subscribe in relation to the fight coronavirus (2019-nCoV pandemic.
Malcai, Ofer and Michal Shur-Ofry, ‘Using Complexity to Calibrate Legal Response to COVID-19’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3763376, 10 January 2021) Abstract: The global effort to fight the COVID-19 pandemic triggered the adoption of unusual legal measures that restrict individual freedoms and raise acute legal questions. Yet, the conventional legal tools available to analyze those questions—including legal notions such as proportionality, equality, or the requisite levels of evidence—implicitly presume stable equilibria, and fail to capture the nonlinear properties of the pandemic. Because the pandemic diffuses in a complex system, using complexity theory can help align the law with its dynamics and produce a more effective legal response. We demonstrate how insights from complexity concerning temporal and spatial diffusion patterns, or the structure of the social network, can provide counter-intuitive answers to a series of pandemic-related legal questions pertaining to limitations of movement, privacy, business and religious freedoms, or prioritizing access to vaccines. This analysis could further inform legal policies aspiring to handle additional phenomena that diffuse in accordance with the principles of complexity.
Mangiameli, Stelio, ‘Covid-19 and European Union: The Answer to the Health Crisis as a Way for Resuming the Process of European Integration’ (2020) 2(2) Humanities and Rights Global Network Journal 66–116 Abstract: The essay starts from a comparison in the European Union between the economic and financial crisis of 2009 and the health crisis of 2020, due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the scarce capacity of Member States and European institutions to carry out the recovery of the economic European condition and transformation of the European government system after the 2009 crisis, despite the indications of the Commission’s Blueprint (of 2012) and of the Report of the five presidents (of 2015). On the other hand, in the face of the health crisis, the reaction of the European institutions seemed more decisive with the creation of various instruments to combat the economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. These include in particular the Recovery fund - Next Generation EU, linked to the 2021-2027 MFF. The reaction to the pandemic shows the possibilities of the European Union to create a community of States in solidarity and with its own identity also in the international scenario. However, it is by no means certain that this idea can prevail over the one that sees the European Union as simply a free trade organization between the Member States. The decisions that will be taken in the Conference on the future of Europe between 2021 and 2022 appear to be decided to define the evolution of the European Union.
Mangold, Anna Katharina, ‘Germany and COVID-19: Expertise and Public Political Deliberation’ in Joelle Grogan and Alice Donald (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic (Routledge, 2022) 336 Abstract: In January 2020, information about a highly contagious virus in Wuhan started to get public attention in Germany. The debate in Germany has mainly focused on questions of vertical and horizontal separation of powers, the role of expertise in the COVID-19 response and restrictions of fundamental rights as adjudicated by courts. As the meetings between federal and Lander governments continued, there was also growing criticism over their closed-door nature, which set them apart from public deliberation in Parliament. At the end of March 2020, the first Act on the Protection of the Population in the Event of an Epidemic Situation of National Significance introduced a new § 5 into the Infection Protection Act, providing the federal health ministry with far reaching powers to announce COVID-19 measures by decree. With several Länder elections and the federal general elections in September 2021, the political situation in Germany is, at the time of writing, volatile.
Marchetti, Gloria, ‘The Management of the Coronavirus Emergency by the Italian Government and the Relationship between State and Regions’ (2021) 7(2) Athens Journal of Law 129–148 Abstract: The essay analyses how the health emergency due to the spread of Covid-19 was handled in Italy. It is aimed at examining: the regulatory framework relating to the management of the pandemic; the role of State and Regions in adopting measures to contain the virus; the coordination between State and Regions to deal with the health emergency. In particular, the aim of the essay is to verify whether the State, in managing the pandemic, has respected the constitutional principles that underpin the Italian regional system.
Mariner, Wendy K, ‘Shifting Standards of Judicial Review During the Coronavirus Pandemic in the United States’ (2021) 22(6) German Law Journal 1039–1059 Abstract: Emergencies are exceptions to the rule. Laws that respond to emergencies can create exceptions to rules that protect human rights. In long lasting emergencies, these exceptions can become the rule, diluting human rights and eroding the rule of law. In the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic prompted states to change rules governing commercial and personal activities to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. Many governors’ executive orders were challenged as violations of the constitutionally protected rights of those affected. Judges are deciding whether emergencies can justify more restrictions than would be permitted in normal circumstances and whether some rights deserve more protection than others, even in an emergency. This article analyzes ongoing litigation involving emergency restrictions on religious freedom and access to reproductive health services. These cases suggest that some judges are altering the standards of judicial review of the state’s emergency powers in ways that could permanently strengthen some rights and dilute others in normal circumstances.
Marique, Yseult, ‘A “New Normal”: Legality in Times of Necessity: French Administrative Law under the Health Emergency’ in Carla Ferstman and Andrew Fagan (eds), Covid-19, Law and Human Rights: Essex Dialogues. (University of Essex, School of Law and Human Rights Centre,2020) 63–71 Abstract: States of emergency test the limits of constitutionalism and our commitment to the rule of law (Dyzenhaus 2012). They tell us something about the ultimate power in a society and the very nature of state powers. French constitutions have a long history of arising from crises, revolutions and overthrows. The current political regime was born in 1958 at the time of the Algerian war of independence. More recently, the French have lived under a sustained period of emergency regulations following the terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015. Now that a state of health emergency has been declared and extended it is possible to reflect on how key principles relating to the rule of law, such as legality and judicial control, are being re-shaped. This helps us to reflect on how the state seeks to command compliance from its citizens and how a balance is struck between necessity and legality. Key stages can be identified: a first stage when (judicial) control is muted and a second stage when judges re-assert their role once the risks linked to the pandemic have been curbed. This differentiation both confirms the risk of normalising an executive state of emergency (at the time of the peak) and the possibility of a judicial state of emergency emerging (once the first wave is over) (Ginsburg and Versteeg 2020). This brings into question how the next steps in the health emergency can be made subject to robust scrutiny and accountability mechanisms as necessity evolves.
Martin, Greg, ‘A Law unto Themselves: On the Relatively Autonomous Operation of Protest Policing during the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2022) 5(1–2) Justice, Power and Resistance 28–45 Abstract: A central argument of this article is that the exercise of police power in respect of protests is relatively autonomous of judicial pronouncements affirming or upholding rights of free speech and peaceful public assembly. Using mostly Australian examples, but also drawing on UK material and some American references, the article shows how protests have gone ahead regardless of prohibitions on mass gatherings during the COVID-19 pandemic. In New South Wales, courts have sometimes allowed protests to proceed when public health experts have assessed the risk to community transmission of coronavirus to be sufficiently low. Notwithstanding that, as they did prior to the pandemic, police have moved to prevent protests and repress protestors. Accordingly, the article takes issue with the ‘negotiated management’ model of protest policing, which perpetuates a fiction of police-protestor cooperation. Indeed, protest policing has often been conflictual and heavy-handed, even militaristic, which, paradoxically, has sometimes led to potential breaches of COVID-19-safe protocols. The article concludes by highlighting analogies between the COVID-19 crisis and the ‘war on terror’ following 9/11, including the role played by courts in attempting to limit the concentration of executive power, government overreach, and intensification of police powers under a paradigm of security.
Martin, Greg, ‘Protest, Policing and Law during COVID-19: On the Legality of Mass Gatherings in a Health Crisis’ (2021) 46(4) Alternative Law Journal 275–281 Abstract: This article considers the legal status of protest rights in Australia during the COVID-19 public health crisis. It discusses jurisprudence of the New South Wales Supreme Court regarding the legality of mass gatherings for the purpose of protest during the COVID pandemic. Balancing protest rights with risks to community safety posed by possible coronavirus transmission at public assemblies, the Court has sometimes allowed and sometimes prohibited protests. The article critically examines the policing of protest during the pandemic and explores some of the implications of comparing emergency measures introduced during the COVID crisis with similar measures introduced in the wake of the 9/11 terror attacks.
Martin, Nicole and Steven Huefner, ‘State Legislative Vetoes: An Unwelcome Resurgence’ (2023) 61(2) Harvard Journal on Legislation 379–419 Abstract: Legislatures are having their moment. From the independent state legislature theory, to the major questions doctrine, to the potential scrapping of the Chevron doctrine, to efforts to constrain popular initiatives, legislative power today seems to be, or at least seeks to be, ascendant. At the state level, one example of the expansion of legislative power is the reinvigoration of legislative veto mechanisms. Legislative vetoes allow legislative branch actors to nullify duly authorized executive branch actions without enacting new laws. Forty years ago, the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in INS v. Chadha invalidated the federal legislative veto as an unconstitutional end-run around the lawmaking requirements of Article I of the U.S. Constitution. But this decision had no binding effect on state legislative veto mechanisms. Today, legislative vetoes persist in many states, and efforts to enhance these mechanisms have surfaced specifically in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. During the COVID-19 pandemic, state legislatures sought heightened legislative veto authority on matters of public health. The pandemic presented public health authorities throughout the country with unprecedented challenges. But little did public health officials anticipate that one challenge would come in the form of legislative pushback against the deployment of public health expertise, as state legislators in many states objected to mask mandates, vaccination campaigns, and other public health measures undertaken by state agencies. Legislatures in several states either stripped public health agencies of some of their discretionary powers or imposed additional hurdles on the exercise of these powers. Many other states have contemplated similar retrenchments. In inviting closer examination of state legislative veto mechanisms, this Article argues that these mechanisms suffer from several anti-democratic defects. Specifically, these mechanisms erode the legitimacy of legislative power, inhibit transparency in governance, prevent formation of customized administrative policies, and threaten to skew the balance of the separation of powers beyond traditional constitutional parameters. Legislation during the COVID-19 pandemic provides a dramatic example of these democratic flaws inherent to the legislative veto, but state legislative vetoes could also hobble other public policy areas. It thus is time for additional attention to the place of the legislative veto in state government.
Marzen, Chad G, ‘Principled Conservatism: The CARES Act and the Lone Voice’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3643959, 5 July 2020) Abstract: The Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act was the largest spending bill passed by Congress and enacted into law in American history. This Article concludes that despite all of the criticism he has endured, Congressman Massie’s lone voice calling for a vote for over $2 trillion in government spending will be remembered years from now as a beacon and clarion call for fiscal and principled conservatives. The Article also examines two prior historical instances which involved a lone voice in the United States House of Representatives: Congresswoman Jeannette Rankin’s lone vote against a declaration of war with Japan in 1941 and Congresswoman Barbara Lee’s lone vote against the war in Afghanistan in 2001. Both the lone votes of Congresswoman Ranking and Congresswoman Lee illustrate that taking a principled, highly unpopular stance at the risk to one’s political career in the United States House of Representatives can result in a positive, long-term legacy. This Article predicts Congressman Massie’s lone voice will be viewed in the same lens in the future.
Marzuki, Marzuki et al, ‘Legal Effectiveness in Handling Covid-19 in Batu Bara Regency North Sumatra Province’ (2021) 2(3) International Journal of Social, Policy and Law 47–53 Abstract: Covid-19 or “Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Corona Virus 2 (SARS-COV-2) become an epidemic for almost all countries in the world, including Indonesia. In Batu Bara Regency, based on the data obtained, there were also 259 confirmed cases, and 119 positive Covid-19 people, 2 cases died and 86 people recovered. Therefore, to overcome the Covid-19 case, Bara Bara Regent Regulation Number 58 of 2020 concerning the Implementation of Discipline and Law Enforcement of Health Protocols as Efforts to Prevent and Control Corona Virus Disease 2019 in Batu Bara Regency and various implementing regulations, so research is needed to review the effectiveness of the law in handling Covid-19 in Batu Bara Regency. This study uses normative and empirical legal research, with a statute approach, a case approach and a conceptual approach. Based on research data, the level of public knowledge of the regulations issued by Batu Bara Regency Government in tackling Covid-19 is very high, namely from 235 respondents there are 168 (71.49%) who know, while only 67 (28.51%) do not know). Even the respondent’s questionnaire data shows the public’s desire to give strict sanctions for health protocol violators, namely 200 (85.11%), while only 35 (14.89%) disagree. However, based on research data, respondents indicated that only 35 (14.9%) stated that an action had been taken, while 200 (85.1%) stated that there had been no significant action taken by the Batu Bara Regency Government against violations, which means the effectiveness of the Regent Regulation. Batu Bara Regency No. 58 of 2020 has not fully materialized. Therefore, it still needs strengthening to become a Regional Regulation, and it must be continuously provided with legal socialization to the public, especially those related to the response to Covid-19, so that it can create better legal awareness of the community.
Masterman, Clayton, ‘Stay-at-Home Orders and COVID-19 Fatalities’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3600905, 14 May 2020) Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has prompted most state governments to order residents to stay at home. The goal of such orders is to mitigate infection rates to prevent health care system overload, thereby dramatically reducing the death toll of the pandemic. This article investigates the effectiveness of stay-at-home orders in decreasing COVID-19 infections and fatalities. Using a differences-in-differences approach, I estimate that stay-at-home orders between mid-March and May 9 prevented 1.7 million COVID-19 cases and 55,000 deaths in the United States. Orders that state governments issued were more effective than local government orders, suggesting that consistent policy approaches across geographic areas is key. The effects were concentrated in urban and higher wage counties. Based on the day of the week that infections are prevented, I also find some evidence that the cases stay-at-home orders prevent are largely those that would have occurred at work rather than from recreation.
Mathen, Carissima, ‘Resisting the Siren’s Call: Emergency Powers, Federalism and Public Policy’ in Colleen M Flood et al (eds), Vulnerable: The Law, Policy and Ethics of COVID-19 (University of Ottawa Press, 2020) 115 Abstract: Virtually everyone in Canada would describe the COVID-19 pandemic as an emergency. The federal government’s decisions—to close borders and order Canadians into quarantine—suggest that it shares this view. Yet it has neither declared an emergency nor triggered the federal Emergencies Act. The lack of such action has been criticized. At the same time, there has been less focus on the emergency powers available to Parliament under the ‘peace, order and good government’ clause in s. 91 of the Constitution Act 1867. In this chapter, I explore three demands that would require emergency branch legislation: regulating long-term care; providing relief to persons under residential and commercial tenancies; and instituting nation-wide testing. Examining the emergency branch’s benefits and drawbacks, I argue that emergency powers must be approached with continual caution, with due appreciation for the operational and political complexities inherent in a federal state. While a national, ‘top-down’ approach may be effective in some situations, in others it is preferable to encourage regional responses and inter-governmental cooperation.
Matic, Andreea Elena and Mihaela Agheniței, ‘Brief Considerations Regarding the Concept of Rule of Law in the Context of the Covid-19 Global Crisis’ (2022) 18(3) Acta Universitatis Danubius. Juridica (advance article, published online 29 November 2022) Abstract: In the present paper we aim to analyse some aspects in which the COVID-19 pandemic generated a crisis regarding the application of the rule of law. First, we will refer to some general aspects regarding the content and importance of rule of law concept in democratic societies. Then, taking into account the fact that the law regulates situations that occur in real life, in society, we will discuss the fact that the COVIC 19 pandemic situation generated circumstances which had not been foreseen by the democratic states authorities and this generated an actual global crisis. This crisis affected the rules regarding the good governance. As the pandemic is approaching its end, our societies are not yet prepared to enforce new necessary aspects of the rule of law. Also, we will refer to the fact that the year 2021 was the third year in a row in which WJP Rule of Law® reported that the rule of law scores of several countries have declined rather than improved.
Maurya, Nancy and Devendra Dwarg, ‘Legal and Environmental Implications of COVID‑19 Outbreak in India’ (2021) Journal of Global Infectious Diseases (advance article, published 29 January 2021) Abstract: The present work is an attempt to look at the legal and environmental implications of coronavirus disease-2019 outbreak in India. It looks at both sides of this tragedy focusing specifically on the environmental and legal aspects in the Indian context. However, the article does not refrain from discussing examples of other countries or some global aspects if necessary.
Maxeiner, James R, ‘America’s Covid-19 Preexisting Vulnerability: A Government of Men, Not Laws’ (2020) 8(1–2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 213–235 Abstract: The legislative response of the United States of America to the covid-19 pandemic is a calamity. Incompetent leaders have turned a natural disaster into a national catastrophe. The catastrophe unmasks a weak rule of law that is closer to a reign of men than it is to a government of laws. Lousy legal methods predating covid-19 allowed tragedy to happen. This article summarises the legislative-like responses to covid-19 and identifies systemic failures, i.e. covid-19 preexisting vulnerabilities.
Maysarah, Maysarah, ‘Hospital Responsibilities for the Use of Covid-19 Handling Funds Based on a State Administrative Law Perspective’ (2020) 1(2) International Journal Reglement & Society (IJRS) 44–52 Abstract: Hospitals as a device or component of health have responsibility for the funds for handling Corona Virus Disease (Covid-19) in Indonesia. During this pandemic, hospitals certainly play an important role for public health, especially those with Covid-19. The method used in this research is normative law research which combines the data obtained from library materials and then analyzed qualitatively. From the research results it is known that the Government is taking action quickly, precisely, and accurately in handling the Covid-19 pandemic. The government’s steps in handling the Covid-19 pandemic were carried out by combining the use of statutory authority, policy regulations, actions of government agencies and officials, and bureaucratic support as a policy implementing organ. In handling the Covid-19 pandemic, the President took a policy by establishing a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perppu) Number 1 of 2020 concerning State Financial Policy and Financial System Stability for Handling the Corona Virus Disease (Covid-19) Pandemic and / or in the Context of Facing Dangerous Threats National Economy and / or Financial System Stability on March 31, 2020. That the responsibility of the hospital is to use the funds for handling Covid-19 to provide medical devices related to prevention or treatment of Covid-19 such as PPE, test kits, reagents, ventilators, hand sanitizers and others.
Mazey, Sonia and Jeremy Richardson, ‘Lesson-Drawing from New Zealand and Covid-19: The Need for Anticipatory Policy Making’ (2020) 91(3) The Political Quarterly 561–570 Abstract: The Covid-19 pandemic has seen most governments worldwide having to think on their feet rather than implementing detailed and well-rehearsed plans. This is notwithstanding the fact that a pandemic was bound to happen, sooner or later (and will happen again). The effectiveness of national responses has varied enormously. Globally, New Zealand has been perceived as setting the gold standard in ‘curve crushing’, and for a short period achieved Covid-free status. For this achievement, much credit is due to the New Zealand government, especially to Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern. However, post-lockdown the New Zealand government has encountered a number of Covid policy implementation problems (many of which could have been anticipated). Nevertheless, Covid-19 might still turn out to have been a seismic shock to existing policy processes and policy frames (such as austerity). If so, there are grounds for hope that in the future, governments and voters might be less short-term in their outlook. Perhaps anticipatory, rather than reactive policy making, might become more fashionable?
Mazur-Kumrić, Nives and Ivan Zeko-Pivač, ‘Triggering Emergency Procedures: A Critical Overview of the EU’s and UN’s Response To The Covid-19 Pandemic And Beyond’ (2021) 5(EU 2021 – The Future of the EU in and After the Pandemic) EU and Comparative Law Issues and Challenges Series (ECLIC) 89–119 Abstract: The large-scale COVID-19 pandemic is a severe public health emergency which poses distressing social and economic challenges to the international community as a whole. In order to provide immediate and effective support to affected welfare and healthcare systems as well as to build their lasting, inclusive and sustainable recovery, both the European Union and the United Nations have introduced a number of urgent measures aiming to help and protect citizens and economies. This paper looks into the specificities of urgent procedures launched and carried out by the two most influential international organisations with a view to rapidly respond to the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis. More specifically, it focuses on the involved institutions and steps of urgent procedures as well as on their most remarkable outcomes. In the case of the European Union, the emphasis is put primarily on two Coronavirus Response Investment Initiatives (CRIIs), adopted during the Croatian Presidency of the Council in one of the fastest legal procedures in the history of the European Union, and the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and the Territories of Europe (REACT-EU) as an extension of the CRIIs’ crisis repair measures. The overarching United Nations’ response is assessed through an analysis of its urgent policy agenda developed on the premise that the COVID-19 pandemic is not only a health and socio-economic emergency but also a global humanitarian, security and human rights crisis. This particularly includes procedures foreseen by the Global Humanitarian Response Plan (GHRP) and the Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP). In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting three pivotal elements. First, the paper sheds light on the financial aspects of the urgent fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, necessary for turning words into action. Notably, this refers to funds secured by the Multiannual Financial Frameworks 2014-2020 and 2021-2027, and the Next Generation EU recovery instrument, on the one hand, and the UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund and the Solidarity Response Fund, on the other hand. Second, it offers a comparative evaluation of the end results of the European and global emergency procedures in mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, it summarises the underlying elements of measures governing the aftermath of the ongoing crisis, i.e. those promoting a human-centred, green, sustainable, inclusive and digital approach to future life.
Mazzi, Davide, ‘The Irish Public Discourse on Covid-19 at the Intersection of Legislation, Fake News and Judicial Argumentation’ (2022) 35(3) International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 1233–1252 Abstract: This paper aims to perform a multi-level analysis of the Irish public discourse on Covid-19. Despite widespread agreement that Ireland’s response was rapid and effective, the country’s journey through the pandemic has been no easy ride. In order to contain the virus, the Government’s emergency legislation imposed draconian measures including the detention and isolation of people deemed to be even ‘a potential source of infection’ and a significant extension of An Garda Síochána’s power of arrest. In April 2020, journalists John Waters and Gemma O’Doherty initiated judicial review proceedings before the High Court to challenge such legislation, which they defined as unconstitutional, ‘disproportionate’ and based on ‘fraudulent science’. The proceedings attracted widespread media coverage in what soon became a debate on the legitimacy of emergency legislation and the notion of ‘fake news’ itself. After a brief survey of the legislative background to Ireland’s Covid response, the argumentative strategy is analysed through which the High Court eventually dismissed Mr Waters and Ms O’Doherty’s challenge. Focusing on the process of justification of the judicial decision, the paper provides a descriptive account of the argument structure of the Court’s decision. This sheds light on the pattern of multiple argumentation through which the Court interpreted relevant norms in the Constitution and at once re-established the primacy of ‘facts’ informing political decision-making at a time of national emergency.
McBride, Nicholas, ‘Ill Fares the Land: Has COVID-19 Killed the Principle of Legality?’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 4023242, 1 February 2022) Abstract: This paper is part of a larger project, arguing that the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed public law as being unprincipled and ineffectual in virtually all common law jurisdictions. This paper focuses on the treatment of the ‘principle of legality’ in judicial review proceedings in England, Australia and New Zealand, seeking to challenge the lawfulness of various governmental actions to tackle the pandemic. While up until 2020, the principle of legality was employed to declare unlawful governmental actions in a number of very important cases - most notably, the UK Supreme Court’s decision in Miller 2 - in cases involving challenges to the lawfulness of government attempts to deal with COVID-19, the principle of legality has been consistently sidelined and ignored, using various techniques described in this paper.
McInerney, Thomas F, ‘Covid-19, State Effectiveness, and Core Values of Political Morality’ (2024) 17(2) Law and Development Review 303–330 Abstract: There are three main failures that occurred during Covid-19 which relate to critical aspects of what Jeremy Waldron has referred to as the constellation of political values or ideals constituting the core of our political morality. These include questions of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. To analyze how these values were affected by Covid-19, this article begins with an overview of what occurred during the Covid-19 crisis. First, I focus on the deliberation and decision-making processes applied during the crisis. Second, I review key aspects of state effectiveness that the experience exposed. Third, I consider the ways government responses affected human rights protections. I then examine these themes through leading theoretical accounts about the critical components of political morality including rule of law, democracy, and human rights. Drawing on those theoretical perspectives, I seek to identify the broad causal story about the developmental process through which rule of law, democracy, and human rights emerge. A critical component of that story is the role of state effectiveness. In the final section, I confront these theoretical and empirical views with key takeaways from governments’ responses to Covid-19 from the standpoint of Waldron’s constellation of values of democracy, human rights, and rule of law. In conclusion I consider the implications of this understanding for the theory and practice of law and development.
McLeod, Matthew, ‘Distancing from Accountability? Governments’ Use of Soft Law in the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2022) 50(1) Federal Law Review 3–19 Abstract: This article analyses how governments across Australia and the world have employed ‘soft law’ in their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Rather than simply directing the public to the text of voluminous, complex and everchanging public health orders, executive officials have utilised a variety of non-legal soft law instruments to inform the community of their rights and obligations. These instruments are beneficial — especially in a public health crisis — as they are comprehensible, adaptable and effective. However, their non-legal nature also presents significant accountability issues which challenge the Australian conception of the separation of powers. Soft law exists independent of any parliamentary authorisation or oversight. Subsequently, those affected by soft law lack almost any ability to challenge its use in court. To remedy such issues, this article recommends a greater role for administrative complaint mechanisms (such as Ombudsman recommendations and discretionary payment schemes) in combatting abuses of soft law. It further suggests that the limited adoption of two foreign doctrines — substantive legitimate expectations and epistemic deference — into Australian judicial review could aid in addressing this dilemma.
McCuskey, Elizabeth Y, ‘FDA in the Time of COVID-19’ (2020) 45(3) ABA Administrative & Regulatory Law News 7–9 Abstract: Over the past century, Congress has made the Food & Drug Administration (FDA) responsible for regulating the safety and efficacy of drugs and devices being deployed in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. The FDA’s regulatory infrastructure was built for public health threats and to combat manufacturers’ misinformation about treatments. This article spotlights the ways in which FDA has been adapting to a new challenge during the COVID-19 pandemic: combating misinformation emanating from within the executive branch.
McKerrell, Nick, ‘Scottish Public Protest at a Time of Covid-19’ (2021) 25(1) Edinburgh Law Review 105–111
McLaws, Mary-Louise, ‘Pandemics Will Happen: How Have We Minimised and Managed COVID-19?’ in Belinda Bennett and Ian Freckelton (eds), Pandemics, Public Health Emergencies and Government Powers: Perspectives on Australian Law (Federation Press, 2021)
Mei, Ciqi, ‘Policy Style, Consistency and the Effectiveness of the Policy Mix in China’s Fight against COVID-19’ (2020) 39(3) Policy and Society 309–325 Abstract: As the first country stricken by the COVID-19 pandemic, China deployed a policy response that was chaotic at the start but effective in the end. A complete account to explain China’s COVID-19 experience should explain both. By examining policy changes in China’s fight against the pandemic, I show that pandemic as an exogenous shock invalidated the normal policy logics followed by multiple policy actors, resulting in policy inconsistency and chaos. A policy mix comprised traditional measures, i.e. strict community lockdown, cross-jurisdictional mobilization of resources and officials’ sanction contributed to the eventual effectiveness of China’s response to the pandemic. I argue that the policy mix during crises should conform with rooted national policy style to be consistent and effective.
Mełgieś, Katarzyna, ‘Legal Measures Undertaken by Public Authorities in Poland for Prevention and Combating COVID-19’ (2021) 14(2) Medicine, Law & Society 372–394 Abstract: The state is a special purpose organization and the directions of its activities are determined by public tasks. One of them is to ensure an efficient health care system, also effective in emergency situations such as those caused by an infectious disease pandemic COVID-19. In particular, legal instruments are used to create it, selected by the rulers within the limits set by law, including the applicable international standards, at the discretion of local governing authorities. The whole system is completed with organizational, medical and finally financial solutions. However, it is due to the fact that public authorities move around in the public space, due to the legality of their operation, that the legal instruments used are of significant importance for the assessment of the effectiveness of the performance of tasks related to combating infectious diseases, and thus ensuring health safety.
Mello, Michelle M et al, ‘Legal Infrastructure for Pandemic Response: Lessons Not Learnt in the US’ (2024) 384 BMJ Article e076269 Abstract: Covid-19 related mortality in the US was higher than in every western European country. Compared with its closest neighbour, Canada, also a federated country with a decentralised health system, the US fared far worse. With over 1.1 million dead at the end of 2023,3 leaders and academics have begun a painful postmortem. What went wrong, and what can be done to make authorities in the US better equipped for the next pandemic?
Mello, Michelle M and Lawrence O Gostin, ‘Public Health Law Modernization 2.0: Rebalancing Public Health Powers And Individual Liberty In The Age Of COVID-19: Analysis Examines the Need to Rebalance Public Health Powers and Individual Liberty in the COVID-19 Era’ (2023) 42(3) Health Affairs 318–327 Abstract: Public health emergency powers laws in the US underwent a profound stress test during the COVID-19 pandemic. Designed with bioterrorism in mind, they struggled to meet the challenges of a multiyear pandemic. Public health legal powers in the US are both too limited, in that they don’t clearly permit officials to implement measures necessary to combat epidemics, and too broad, in that their accountability mechanisms fall short of public expectations. Recently, some courts and state legislatures have cut deeply into emergency powers, jeopardizing future emergency response. Instead of this curtailment of essential powers, the states and Congress should modernize emergency powers laws to balance powers and individual rights in more productive ways. In this analysis we propose reforms including meaningful legislative checks on executive power, stronger substantive standards for executive orders, mechanisms for public and legislative input, and clearer authority to issue orders affecting groups of people.
Mello, Michelle M and Wendy E Parmet, ‘Public Health Law after Covid-19’ (2021) New England Journal of Medicine (advance article) Abstract: Covid-19 has spurred an outbreak of a different kind: litigation. To combat the pandemic, officials imposed extensive community-level mitigation measures using their broad but largely untested emergency powers. In response, more than 1000 suits challenged orders shuttering businesses, banning indoor worship services, restricting travel, and mandating mask wearing. As with other social aspects of the pandemic, this litigation will have lasting effects.
Mendez Bahena, Benjamin, Jorge Culebro Moreno and Pablo Cruz Hernandez, ‘Covid-19 Crisis Management in Mexico: Initial Reopening’ (2021) 13(2) Direito da Cidade 541–563 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has shaken the whole world throughout 2020. In Mexico, the management of this crisis has fallen upon a federal administration that took power in December 2018 and promised to prioritize the poor and the marginalized. On the other hand, the health care system has been neglected for many years and is undergoing a transformation process (OECD, 2019; Presidency of the Republic, 2019). The present paper examines how federal government organizations managed the initial phase of the crisis, involving general confinement at the national level, and the first six weeks of the gradual reopening of activities, the so-called ‘new normality,’ which has been implemented by subnational governments. We employ crisis management theory as a theoretical framework to analyze coordination instruments in a profoundly fragmented health system, leadership styles, and the implementation of voluntary quarantine avoiding coercive measures. Concerning our methodology, we describe a mixed case study based on federal regulatory instruments, abundant publicly-available official information, and a press review for the study period. Finally in the concluding section, we point out the reasons why we consider that the management of the crisis in Mexico has been acceptable during the first months of the crisis.
Menon, Anon, ‘Legislative Failure in the Management of the Covid-19 Crisis: Identifying and Addressing the Lacune in the Extant Law’ (2022) 5(1) International Journal of Law Management & Humanities 2231–2247 Abstract: Legislation that is aimed at tackling a global pandemic such as Covid-19 should be equipped with a proper legal framework that empowers a government to take swift action in the name of the most cardinal function of all, protecting human life. However, this can be a tricky tool to devise. The empowering of the State to manage and control dire circumstances such as a raging pandemic would, in all likelihood, require superseding or suspending some of the basic rights of individuals in a society. Despite this, such laws are necessary for saving mankind in chaotic situations and are in the greater interest of society. India was not in the least prepared for a catastrophic event like COVID-19. The fact that the best recourse that we had to such a calamitous epidemic was a 123-year-old archaic law is frightening and indicative of the reasons the pandemic has wreaked such havoc in our country. The focus of this paper is to analyze the existing legal framework in India for dealing with a health care emergency like Covid-19 to identify the shortfalls therein. The research paper will also strive to provide recommendations on various provisions that an ideal law dealing with pandemics should provide for.
Mercescu, Alexandra, ‘The COVID-19 Crisis in Romania: A Hypothesis around Penal Populism and Legal Culture’ (Working Paper, Forum Transregionale Studien No 6/2022, 2022) 47–58 Abstract: In this paper I seek to present a working hypothesis to be eventually developed in a future contribution, namely that the COVID-19 crisis exposed some problematic behaviours evocative of an authoritarian ethos on the part of both public authorities and citizens which suggest that a penal populist attitude might now be part or even embedded in the Romanian legal culture. Specifically, I will organize this contribution as follows: in the first part, I will briefly describe Romania’s reaction (as evidenced both in the official measures taken and the attitude of citizens) to the first wave of the pandemic focusing on the role of penal and military means; I shall qualify this reaction as containing some traces of penal populism. In the second part I shall offer a tentative mapping of the factors that can explain this problematic cultural reaction. Importantly, among these I include the successful fight against corruption with the consequence that what appears to have very much consolidated the rule of law in post-1989 Romania could be shown to have had the unintended and paradoxical effect of undermining the very same ideal.
Meßerschmidt, Klaus, ‘COVID-19 Legislation in the Light of the Precautionary Principle’ (2020) 8(3) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 267–292 Abstract: This paper examines in general terms the impact of the precautionary principle on COVID-19 legislation and management. In academic discussion the precautionary principle is usually referred to in the context of environmental policy. The principle can also be found, however, in health protection, which suggests its transfer to the pandemic situation. Contrary to the concern that the principle could serve as a blanket justification for extreme and arbitrary interventions in civil liberties, the paper demonstrates that, notwithstanding conflicts with the rule-of-law obligation to evidence-based legislation, the precautionary principle does not supplant the principle of proportionality. Thus, it sets limits to risk-related legislation even though it allows restrictions in the absence of scientific consensus. Reflecting on the scientific debate about the precautionary principle can help to maintain (or at least restore) rationality and prudent risk tradeoffs even in times of emergency legislation.
Merten, Heike, ‘Parliamentarism in the Pandemic: Contemporary Challenges’ in Kostas Chrysogonos and Anna Tsiftsoglou (eds), Democracy after Covid: Challenges in Europe and Beyond (Springer, 2022) 61–75 Abstract: Parliamentary democracy has been stress-tested in the COVID-19 pandemic. The Parliament, as the representation of the people, must be able to work and make unpopular decisions to protect society. Only in a transparent and legitimate decision-making process is it possible to win the support of the people. Parliamentarism in the pandemic must function effectively and safely. Also important is a legally secure election of the parliament in times of crisis to have a legislator legitimised by the people. In times of crisis, a functioning parliamentary system is particularly important for a democracy.
Mezzetti, Luca, ‘Health State of Emergency and Management of the Pandemic: The Italian Experience’ in Rainer Arnold and Javier Cremades (eds), Rule of Law and the Challenges Posed by the Pandemic (Springer, 2023) 187–194 Abstract: The Italian Constitution does not contain a section or title specifically dedicated to the regulation of states of emergency or institutional crisis, internal or external, unlike what happens in the cases of the German or Spanish Constitution.
Migone, Andrea Riccardo, ‘Trust, but Customize: Federalism’s Impact on the Canadian COVID-19 Response’ (2020) 39(3) Policy and Society 382–402 Abstract: This article explores how Canadian federalism, with its complex mix of competencies, and the country’s punctuated gradualism policy style interface with urgent, complex decision-making like the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that while punctuated gradualism favors tailored responses to pandemic management it is weaker when coordination and resourcing are to be undertaken during non-crisis situations and that, while the level of cooperation among Canadian jurisdictions has progressively increased over the years, policy is still almost exclusively handled at the federal, provincial and territorial levels. Furthermore, the model appears to have critical ‘blind spots’ in terms of vulnerable communities that do not emerge as such until after a crisis hits.
Mikelenas, Valentinas, ‘Coronavirus and the Law: Lithuanian Experience’ in Ewoud et al Hondius (ed), Coronavirus and the Law in Europe (Intersentia, 2020) Abstract: As in many other countries of the world, the pandemic of the coronavirus came to Lithuania unexpectedly, both for society as a whole and the public authorities, as well as for the country’s health system and business. Although the Government decided quickly enough to introduce quarantine, discussions have arisen upon the Government’s powers to introduce quarantine. The introduction of quarantine has raised not only the problem of the distribution of competence between Parliament and the Government but also many other issues in both public and private law. The pandemic has shown that many pieces of legislation do not provide for the specificities of legal regulation in quarantine or other extreme situations. As a result, both Parliament and the Government have had to adopt a number of new laws and other legal acts or amend legislation already in force during the pandemic. The pandemic has also shown weak support of the European Union and its institutions, as a result of this, the Member States have, in practice, dealt with pandemic problems on their own rather than centrally. For this reason, trust in the European Union can be further weakened.
Milinković, Igor, ‘Extraordinary Measures in Extraordinary Times: Legal Response to the COVID-19 Crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina’ (2021) 14(2) Medicine, Law & Society 439–456 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly affected all aspects of people’s daily lives. In response to the pandemic, many countries declared a state of emergency. Extraordinary measures have been implemented to reduce the spread of the new coronavirus. Some of these measures require significant restrictions of fundamental rights and freedoms, such as the right to privacy, freedom of movement, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, religious freedoms etc. In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), the BiH and entity authorities adopted decisions to provide a legal basis for implementation of extraordinary measures. The paper deals with the restrictive measures implemented during the COVID-19 crisis in BiH and their impact on human rights realization. The relevant decisions of the Constitutional Court of BiH are also analysed, including the decision in case AP-3683/20 according to which certain restrictive measures are contrary to the right to respect of private life and the freedom of movement.
Miller, Katie, ‘Finding Law in a Time of Emergency: COVID-19’ (2020) 27(2) Australian Journal of Administrative Law 66-69 Abstract: The outbreak of the novel coronavirus and the urgent need to contain it has changed dramatically our society and the ways we live and work in a matter of weeks. The outbreak has crossed state and international borders and has touched nearly every aspect of our lives. The government response has required co-operation and co-ordination across the federation and heads of legislative power. The proliferation of new legislation and legislative instruments, as well as the interpretation of such documents, presents a challenge in citizens and lawyers alike in understanding what the rules are and the source of such rules at any given moment. The instruments which have had the most profound effect on our lives have been the biosecurity and health emergency declarations made under state and federal laws. At Commonwealth level, the Governor- General has declared a human biosecurity emergency under section 475 of the ‘
Biosecurity Act 2015’ (Cth). In addition to amendments to facilitate the making of directions and declarations about the COVID- 19 emergency, emergency legislation has also been passed by various jurisdictions to facilitate the emergency response. Given the number of declarations, directions and amendments being made to facilitate the response to COVID-19, knowing what the law is at a given point in time and how it will be implemented has become a daily challenge.
Mishra, Abhisek et al, ‘Covid-19: Catalyst for a Comprehensive Law to Combat Potential Pandemics in India’ (2022) Indian Journal of Medical Ethics (advance article, published online 4 June 2022) Abstract: Despite the relative decline in communicable diseases, India witnesses hundreds of outbreaks every year. Including the current Covid-19 pandemic, India has suffered through several major pandemics and large-scale epidemics since 1900s. However, the response to most of the epidemics has been inadequate. The Epidemic Diseases Act, enacted in 1897 (EDA 1897), has been in action since and is based on the science and the socio-political environment of the country in the nineteenth century. India has several legal mechanisms to help contain and control the spread of epidemics, but on different platforms. There has been a paradigm shift in the socio-political milieu as well as scientific advancements in the prevention and control of epidemics. The century-old EDA 1897 has not been effective in containing and controlling such epidemics/pandemics, as has been witnessed during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Hence, it needs to be revised to define an appropriate structural scalar chain, provide clear-cut and unambiguous terms/definitions and guidelines, delineate ethics and human rights, determine the duties and responsibilities of the affected population/community, determine the role of the private health sector, and provide for appropriate punitive measures to deter repeated violations.
Mistur, Evan, John Wagner Givens and Daniel Matisoff, ‘Policy Contagion During A Pandemic’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3662444, 28 July 2020) Abstract: The spread of the COVID-19 pandemic has necessitated rapid policy changes at the national level. In response, social distancing policies, which use non-pharmaceutical methods to reduce the spread of the virus by keeping people apart, have been implemented globally. The rapid spread of social distancing policies across the globe invites questions as to how and why countries adopt these social distancing policies, and whether the causal mechanisms driving these policy adoptions are based on internal resources and problem conditions, political institutions and economic conditions, or external factors from other countries. In this paper we leverage daily changes in social distancing policies across countries to understand the impacts of problem characteristics, institutional and economic context, and peer effects on social distancing policy adoption. We find that peer effects, particularly mimicry of geographic neighbors and political peers, drive policy diffusion and shape countries’ policy choices.
Mittiga, Ross, ‘Political Legitimacy, Authoritarianism, and Climate Change’ (2022) 116(3) American Political Science Review 998–1011 Abstract: Is authoritarian power ever legitimate? The contemporary political theory literature—which largely conceptualizes legitimacy in terms of democracy or basic rights—would seem to suggest not. I argue, however, that there exists another, overlooked aspect of legitimacy concerning a government’s ability to ensure safety and security. While, under normal conditions, maintaining democracy and rights is typically compatible with guaranteeing safety, in emergency situations, conflicts between these two aspects of legitimacy can and often do arise. A salient example of this is the COVID-19 pandemic, during which severe limitations on free movement and association have become legitimate techniques of government. Climate change poses an even graver threat to public safety. Consequently, I argue, legitimacy may require a similarly authoritarian approach. While unsettling, this suggests the political importance of climate action. For if we wish to avoid legitimating authoritarian power, we must act to prevent crises from arising that can only be resolved by such means.
Mizrahi, Shlomo, Eran Vigoda‐Gadot and Nissim Cohen, ‘How Well Do They Manage a Crisis? The Government’s Effectiveness During the COVID‐19 Pandemic’ (2021) 81(6) Public Administration Review 1120–1130 Abstract: The COVID‐19 pandemic clearly highlighted the importance of effective crisis management and its relationship with citizens’ willingness to cooperate with the government in such turbulent times. We develop a theory and hypotheses about the impact of citizens’ experiences on their perceptions of the government’s effectiveness during times of crisis. We do so with data collected at two points in time: in late March 2020 during the first peak of the COVID‐19 crisis in Israel, and in October 2020 when Israel was exiting from a second lockdown. The findings demonstrate that during crises citizens focus on the short term and seek immediate results in terms of readiness and preparedness. During such times, the government’s responsiveness and transparency, as well as the public’s participation in decisions, seem even more important than their trust in the government. Implications and practical recommendations follow.
Mohammed, Sidamor and Machouche Mourad, ‘Legal Measures Taken to Combat the COVID-19 Coronavirus Pandemic in Algeria’ (2024) 9(4) Remittances Review 2278–2288 Abstract: The danger of coronaviruses lies in their ease of transmission, which greatly increases the risk of severe respiratory infections. This pandemic, which affected the entire world, required the implementation of initial measures, most of which were taken in the absence of any legal framework. The fear and confusion caused worldwide by the rapid spread of this virus led the political authorities in Algeria to announce a lockdown, followed by the declaration of a public health emergency. As a result, the competent authorities adopted a series of measures to combat the coronavirus, with the aim of limiting its spread and effectively managing the crisis. These measures ranged from the criminalisation of certain behaviours to the restriction of certain freedoms, in particular freedom of movement, freedom of assembly and economic freedom, in order to adapt to the situation and protect public health.
Moloney, Kim and Susan Moloney, ‘Australian Quarantine Policy: From Centralization to Coordination with Mid-Pandemic COVID-19 Shifts’ (2020) 80(4) Public Administration Review 671–682 Abstract: Combining a historical institutionalism approach with institutional isomorphism and punctuated equilibrium, this article analyzes quarantine policy change across 120 years of Australian quarantine history. By anchoring its analysis within specific time periods (the years before the Spanish flu, seven decades of inaction, and multiple post-1997 pandemic updates and responses), the authors highlight when and why policies did or did not change and how the constant push-and-pull between state and Commonwealth institutional ownership altered policy possibilities. The heart of the analysis showcases how Australia’s successful COVID-19 response is a unique output of prior quarantine policies, institutional evolution, and mid-pandemic alterations of key national pandemic response plans.
Moosavian, Rebecca, Clive Walker and Andrew Blick, ‘Coronavirus Legislative Responses in the UK: Regression to Panic and Disdain of Constitutionalism’ (2021) 72(S1: Supplementary Issue on COVID-19) Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 1–36 Abstract: The United Kingdom has considerable prowess in handling emergencies, not just in counterterrorism but also in a wide range of other real or imagined disasters, including public health risks. Core legislation has been installed, including the all-encompassing Civil Contingencies Act (CCA) 2004 and the more specialist Public Health (Control of Disease) Act (PHA) 1984. Despite these finely honed models, the UK state regressed to panic mode when faced with the COVID-19 pandemic. Rather than turning to the laws already in place, Parliament fast-tracked the Coronavirus Act 2020, with scant debate of its shabbily drafted contents. In addition, the UK Government has relied heavily, with minimal scrutiny, on regulations under the PHA 1984. The article analyses the competing legal codes and how they have been deployed to deal with COVID-19. It then draws out the strengths and weaknesses of the choices in terms of the key themes of: the choice of sectoral versus general emergency legislation; levels of oversight and accountability; effectiveness; and the protection of individual rights. Following this survey, it will be suggested that the selection of legal instruments and the design of their contents has been ill-judged. In short, the emergency code which is the most suitably engineered for the purpose, the CCA 2004, has been the least used for reasons which should not be tolerated.
Morag, Nadav (ed), Impacts of the Covid-19 Pandemic: International Laws, Policies, and Civil Liberties (Wiley, 2022) Contents:
- Wierenga, Adriaan J and Jorrit Westerhof, ‘The Netherlands: Dutch COVID-19 Policy Viewed from a Fundamental Rights Perspective’ 1–22
- Greene, Alan, ‘Emergencies, Executive Power, and Ireland’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic’ 23–40
- Uhlmann, Felix, ‘COVID-19: Legal Lessons Learned in Switzerland’ 41–57
- Halladay, Carolyn, ‘Not Dead Yet: Protest, Process, and Germany’s Constitutional Democracy Amid the Coronavirus Response’ 59–78
- Cormacain, Ronan and Duncan Fairgrieve, ‘The United Kingdom Legislative Response to Coronavirus: Shotgun or Machine Gun’ (Wiley, 2022) 79–97
- Malandrino, Anna, Margherita Paola Poto and Elena Demichelis, ‘The State of Exception and Its Effects on Civil Liberties in Italy During the COVID-19 Crisis’ 99–119
- Halladay, Carolyn, Florina C Matei and Andres de Castro, ‘Praise the Alarm: Spain’s Coronavirus Approach’ 121–140
- Matei, Florina C, ‘Pandemic Pangs and Fangs: Romania’s Public Safety and Civil Liberties in the COVID-19 Era’ 141–163
- Palle, Angelique et al, ‘Policymaking and Liberty Restrictions in the Covid-19 Crisis, the Case of France’ 165–180
- Lin, Cheryl et al, ‘Policy Measures, Information Technology, and People’s Collective Behavior in Taiwan’s COVID-19 Response’ 181–208
- Trung, Nguyen T and Nguyen Q Duong, ‘The Legislative and Political Responses of Viet Nam to the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Balancing of Public Health and Collective Civil Liberties’ 209–234
- Chen, Jacinta I-Pei et al, ‘Singapore United’ 235–300
- Cameron, Iain and Anna Jonsson Cornell, ‘Sweden and Covid-19: A (Mainly) Recommendary Approach’ 301–321
- Tsuji, Yuichiro, ‘Administrative Guidance in Coronavirus Special Measures Act in 2021 in Japan’ 323–338
- Syed, Iffath U, ‘Canada’s Fight Against COVID-19: Constitutionalism, Laws, and the Global Pandemic’ 339–357
- Abenheim, Donald and Carolyn Halladay, ‘Coronavirus and the Social State: Austria in the Pandemic’ 359–377
Morison, John, ‘Towards a Democratic Singularity? Algorithmic Governmentality, the Eradication of Politics – and the Possibility of Resistance’ in Simon Deakin and Christopher Markou (eds), Is Law Computable?: Critical Perspectives on Law & Artificial Intelligence (Hart, 2020) < > Abstract: This contribution steps back from considering the operation of AI within the legal process directly and considers a more foundational issue surrounding democracy, and the basic legitimacy for any legal system that can be gained from a connection with ‘the will of the people’. The first section considers briefly how the promise of online consultation has not fully delivered on its democratic potential. The paper then considers new developments in surveillance, where almost all aspects of everyday life are transformed into quantified data, and subject to monitoring and predictive analysis. It is argued that this amounts to a new, pervasive and totalising form of surveillance and control which can be understood best as a form of ‘algorithmic governmentality’. Building upon arguments about consultation, it is contended that developments in technology may in future have the effect of making existing ideas about consultation and democracy redundant as actual preferences can be measured directly without the need for an intermediary political process to represent preferences. This direct presentation of preferences, created by inference from the radical datafication process, offers a false emancipation by appearing to be, by its very nature, all-inclusive and accurate. This is a novel form of governance, seemingly beyond traditional politics and it is one that has the potential to undermine, and then transcend, many of fundamental attributes of citizenship which presently appear as part of the bargain within the government – governed relationship. This contribution seeks to explore the parameters of this development of ‘algorithmic democracy’, and the potential of law and other strategies to operate as resistance.
Extract (page 9): The Covid-19 health crisis has provided a perfect conjunction of political conditions to produce a government response that aligns with developing technology to extend this further, and produce a new regime of ‘bio-surveillance’.
Morshead, Tim, ‘The Law and COVID-19: The Prime Minister’s Muddle about the Government’s Own Rules (as of 27 March 2020) and a Call for Clarity’ (2020) 25(2) Judicial Review 174–177
Jurisdiction: UK
Abstract: The prime minister’s message to the nation on 23 March 2020 was made in anticipation of regulations actually made on 26 March 2020. But he did not accurately describe the restrictions imposed by those regulations. He has created the impression that people may only leave their homes for work that is itself in some undefined sense ‘absolutely necessary’ or ‘essential’. That is not what the regulations require. So far as the regulations are concerned, anyone may leave home for work, if the work itself means they cannot reasonably do it from home. The regulations do not require anyone to make value judgments about the relative importance of their work in the fight against COVID-19 or the like. Unless or until they are changed, the current regulations do not do what the prime minister said they would do.
Moti, Ukertor Gabriel and Jeremiah Tersur Vambe, ‘Responding to Coronavirus Pandemic in Nigeria: The Policy Dilemma of a Vulnerable Nation: A Review’ (2020) 6(4) International Journal of Health, Safety and Environment (IJHSE) 526-533 Abstract: The novel coronavirus pandemic, though mainly a major global public health concern, has significant socioeconomic implications of great consequences to economies and the well-being of the population, just as it is an assessor of the institutional structures and governance framework of nations. Whereas some countries were proactive with comprehensive mitigation, containment and management policies in response to the pandemic, some were in denial and procrastinated. Notwithstanding the initial reaction of countries, the policy actions appear generic in compliance with standard World Health Organization (WHO) protocols: lockdowns, testing and contact tracing, isolation and social distancing. The choices are not easy when it comes to adapting them to country specific contexts. Countries exhibited varying stages of institutional capacity, resilience, inclusiveness and vulnerabilities. Nigeria, Africa’s largest country by population and economy is adjudged as a medium, with varied capacity and high vulnerability entity. This paper is a review of the policy responses and the observed dilemma between science and economic pragmatism. Whereas science advocates flattening the curve which in some cases mean longer lockdowns, lockdown fatigue and restlessness of the vulnerable population occasioned by economic hardship compelled the government to ease lockdown with possible consequence of increase in infections. It may not be plausible to deal with the dilemma during the period of the pandemic, however, we recommended this offers an opportunity for the country to strengthen its health care system, educational institutions and pro-poor policies on post-covid-19.
Moulds, Sarah, ‘Scrutinising COVID-19 Laws: An Early Glimpse into the Scrutiny Work of Federal Parliamentary Committees’ (2020) 45(3) Alternative Law Journal 180–187 Abstract: Australia’s parliamentary model of rights protection depends in large part on the capacity of the federal Parliament to scrutinise the law-making activities of the Executive government. Emergency law-making undertaken in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the Australian Parliament’s capacity to provide meaningful scrutiny of proposed laws, particularly identifying and addressing the impact of emergency powers on the rights of individuals. In this context, the work of parliamentary committees has become increasingly important. Special committees, such as the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19, have been set up to provide oversight and review of Australia’s response to the pandemic. This article gives an early glimpse into the key features of the COVID-19 Committee and the way it may interact with other committees within the federal system to scrutinise the government’s legislative response to the pandemic. It also offers some preliminary thoughts on the capacity of these committees to deliver meaningful rights scrutiny.
Mukti, Abdul and Muhammad Wildan Ramdhani, ‘Lockdown Policy As A Corona Desease (COVID-19) Management Efforts Asked From The Environmental Aspect Of Life Based On Law Act No. 32 Of 2009 Concerning Protection And Management Of Environment’(2020) 3(1) Veteran Law Review 22–36
Jurisdiction: Indonesia Abstract: The government has formed the COVID-19 (Task Force) Acceleration Countermeasures Group to discuss strategies to deal with the Corona Virus outbreak. One of Covid-19’s coping strategies, namely: Social restrictions in the form of Lock Down with modifications or rules that are clarified and clear in priority areas as of now, but proposals in the form of Lock Down in priority areas such as DKI are not approved by the government. Although in the end the DKI Jakarta Government issued a policy after approval from the central government through the Minister of Health in the form of Governor’s Regulation Number 33 Year 2020 concerning the Implementation of Large-Scale Social Debate in Handling Corona Disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the Special Capital Province of Jakarta and Governor Decree Number 380 Year 2020 concerning the Imposition of the Implementation of Large-Scale Social Restrictions in Handling Corona Disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the Special Capital Province of Jakarta. If the lockdown is really implemented, then this effort will indirectly have an impact on the environment, because the policy will relate to space that includes all objects, power, conditions, and living things, including humans and their behavior, which affect nature itself, continuity of life, and the welfare of humans and other living things. Therefore it is necessary to examine the relationship between the lockdown policy and COVID-19 countermeasures in the perspective of the Environmental Protection and Management Law. The author intends to find a connection point between the lockdown policy by looking at the impact it has on the environment by referring to the Law Act No. 32 Of 2009 Concerning Protection And Management Of Environment.
Muñoz, Jaime Rodríguez-Arana, ‘Administrative Law and Human Dignity (on the Post-Pandemic Reconstruction of Administrative Law)’ (2022) 22(88) A&C: Administrative and Constitutional Law Review 11–33 Abstract: After the pandemic or, rather, still emerging from it, Administrative Law takes on a special significance as recently it has failed to fulfill the role entrusted to it—that of a public authorities law for the socially responsible freedom of the people, that of a law committed to human dignity. The article explores the role of Administrative Law in fulfilling human dignity.
Murphy, Kristina et al, ‘Why People Comply with Covid-19 Social Distancing Restrictions: Self-Interest or Duty?’ (2020) 53(4) Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 477–496 Abstract: On 11 March 2020 the World Health Organization declared the novel coronavirus outbreak (COVID-19) a global pandemic. At the time of writing, over 16 million cases of COVID-19 had been confirmed worldwide, and more than 650,000 people had died from the virus. A priority amongst governments globally is limiting the spread of the virus. In Australia, this response included mandatory ‘lockdown’ restrictions which limited citizens’ freedom of movement. This article uses survey data from 1595 Australians to examine compliance with COVID-19 lockdown restrictions in the early stages of the pandemic. Results revealed that a substantial number of Australians did not comply fully with the measures. Further, while self-interest and health concerns motivated compliance, normative concerns regarding duty to support the authorities dominated compliance decisions. The findings’ implications for both compliance research and for authorities wanting to nurture voluntary compliance with public health orders are discussed.
Musinguzi, Geofrey and Benedict Oppong Asamoah, ‘The COVID-19 Lockdown Trap, How Do We Get Out?’ (2020) 11(4) Journal of Clinical and Experimental Investigations Article em00752 Abstract: More than a third of the world population is currently under some form of partial or total lockdown to limit morbidity and mortality due to covid-19. Whereas these measures are working, they are exerting an unprecedented negative socio-economic impact on the general wellbeing, and thus may not be sustained for long. Alternative control measures that limit the spread of the virus and yet facilitate socioeconomic progression and wellbeing are urgent. In this article, we make suggestions based on the disease transmission characteristics, the World Health Organization recommendation, and current practices across the globe. The suggestions focus on the prevention of transmission and acquisition by; (1) ensuring all put on some form of protective barriers to prevent further spread and acquisition while in public or risky spaces, (2) proactively preventing contamination of surfaces at individual and group/community level, (3) disinfecting frequently all surfaces prone to contamination in public and private spaces (4) ensuring that all gathering, work, schools and other public places have COVID-19 prevention protocols in place and are followed, (5) developing an efficient surveillance system that ensures early detection and isolation of COVID-19 cases, (6) strengthening health facilities at all levels of the healthcare system to ably screen, test, isolate, and manage COVID-19 before complications set in, (7) Stepping up health education and awareness at population level on prevention measures for COVID-19 using all possible platforms, (8) Designing special prevention measures for congested neighborhoods and slum dwellings, care homes, and other institutionalized dwellings to prevent a surge in infection and catastrophes, and finally (9) strengthening national, regional and global collaboration to prevent cross-border transmission. A combination of several of the measures above should help ease lockdown and moreover sustain the gains in the absence of the vaccine – thus, ease the consequences of strict social distancing, travel bans and lockdown across settings.
Nagy, Zoltán and Attila Horváth, Emergency Powers in Central and Eastern Europe : From Martial Law to COVID-19, (Central European Academic Publishing, 2022) [OPEN ACCESS BOOK] Book Summary: The basic goal of this volume is twofold: On the one hand, readers are provided with an in-depth analysis and comparison of the systems of emergency powers of eight Central and Eastern European countries, paying special attention to the states of exception declared in the previous decades; on the other hand, the book is devoted to discussing the constitutional law aspects of the responses for COVID-19 crisis, highlighting the relevant legal and political debates, dilemmas and viewpoints surrounding the pandemic up until June 2021. Although the viewpoint of the book is primarily based on constitutional law, we also deal with the COVID-19 pandemic as an economic crisis, comparing the fiscal and monetary measures of crisis management.
Contents:
- Trócsányi László, ‘The Theoretical Questions of Emergency Powers’ 19
- Béres Nóra, ‘International Aspects of the COVID-19 Health Crisis with Special Regard to Human Rights’ 33
- Marinkás György, ‘Dealing with the COVID‑19 Pandemic on the EU level: Introducing the “Web of Competencies” Theory’ 71
- Petar Bačić and Marko Ivkošić, ‘The Croatian “Emergency Constitution” on Test’ 97
- Hojnyák Dávid and Szinek Csütörtöki Hajnalka, ‘Dimensions of Emergency Powers in the Czech Republic’ 129
- Nagy Zoltán and Horváth Attila, ‘The (Too?) Complex Regulation of Emergency Powers in Hungary’ 149
- Katarzyna Zombory and Németh Zoltán, ‘To Introduce or Not to Introduce? Regulation of the State of Emergency Under the 1997 Polish Constitution vs the COVID-19 Pandemic’ 189
- Szentpáli-Gavallér Pál and Fegyveresi Zsolt, ‘Where is the “Special Legal Order” Heading in Romania?’221
- Slobodan Orlović and Ivan Milić, ‘Serbian Legal Disharmony During the COVID‑19 Pandemic’ 247
- Szinek János and Szinek Csütörtöki Hajnalka, ‘The Multi-Level Regulation of the Traditional and the Exceptional Emergency Powers in Slovakia’ 279
- Sibilla Buletsa, ‘Legal Regulation of the Special Legal Regimes in Ukraine’ 303
- Nagy Zoltán et al, ‘Summary: Pondering About Emergency Powers During COVID-19’ 343
Nanima, Robert Doya, ‘Constitutional and Human Rights Issues Arising from Covid-19: Uganda’s Youth in Context’ in Ebenezer Durojaye and Derek M Powell (eds), Constitutional Resilience and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa (Springer, 2022) 283–309 Abstract: The announcement of a period of disaster under Uganda’s Public Health Act led to the adoption of various restrictions to curb the spread of Covid-19. The country’s youth were significantly affected, given that more than 75 per cent of the population of approximately 45 million are under the age of 30 and burdened with unemployment, poverty and lack of education. This chapter evaluates the response to the pandemic by Uganda’s executive, Parliament and judiciary, and analyses its implications for constitutionalism.
Narayan, Maya, ‘A Force of Last Resort?: A Critical Evaluation of the Use of the Australian Defence Force in the Context of Bushfires and Pandemics’ (2022) 33(3) Public Law Review 246 Abstract: In the last three years, Australia has experienced an unprecedented coalescence of threats posed to the health and safety of its population: the catastrophic 2019/2020 bushfire season; and the COVID-19 pandemic. In both contexts, the States and Territories have, consistently with the distribution of authority for emergency management within Australia's federal system, taken primary responsibility for responding to the relevant crisis. Forced to play a supporting role, the Commonwealth has increasingly relied on deployment of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) to provide assistance. The position advanced in this article is that the key justifications for use of the ADF in responding to domestic emergencies – particularly those constituted by threats of a not directly anthropogenic nature – do not adequately explain the value of the ADF and that significant functional and legal constraints on defence personnel in this context may, in fact, hinder state and territory emergency responses.
Nash, Michael, ‘Emergencies & Extraordinary Measures’ (2020) 170(7879) New Law Journal 7
Jurisdiction: UK Abstract: Considers the duration of emergency measures under the Civil Contingencies Act 2004 in response to the coronavirus outbreak. Highlights concerns that emergency measures, once introduced, may be retained, citing the example of the retention of citizens’ identity cards for several years after the end of the Second World War.
Nasution, Faisal Akbar and Bambang Antariksa, ‘A Comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia Legal Responses in Handling Covid-19’ (2023) 11(12) Journal of Law and Sustainable Development e2380–e2380 Abstract: This paper aims to know about COVID-19 pandemic has become a global threat and spread of the virus reaches Indonesia and Malaysia. The response to Covid-19 has been governed by Indonesia and Malaysia laws and legislation. This paper aimed at assessing why was the legal response of Malaysia more successful in handling COVID-19 than that of Indonesia?
Naumann, Anja, ‘EU Response to Fighting the Coronavirus – Coordination, Support, Action – Heeding its Citizens’ Calls?’ in Matthias C Ketterman and Konrad Lachmayer (eds), Pandemocracy in Europe. Power, Parliaments and People in Times of COVID-19 (Hart, 2022) 243-262 [OPEN ACCESS BOOK] Extract from Introduction: In order to examine changes COVID-19 specifically made, or could make, to the EU’s decision-making powers in relation to health, this chapter will focus on two instruments which were proposed or adopted specifically in response 246to COVID-19: the proposed EU4Health Programme and the Emergency Support Instrument (ESI).
Ndedi, Professor Alain and Dr Jean Noundou, ‘Analysis of the Fight against the Coronavirus (COVID 19) in Cameroon and the Exit Strategies’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3585201, 25 April 2020) Abstract: Cameroon encounters security concerns at the North West and South West Regions of the country, and in the East; and the drastic fall in oil revenues with the current price being below $ 13, or less than 15% of forecasts made by the Government, at $ 54 per barrel. To this must be added the economic recession, with recurrent complaints from economic operators regarding the galloping tax pressure and the drying up of tax and customs revenue, due in part to economic partnership agreements with the European Union. Before what can be seen now, there are significant expenditures related to the Football African Cup of Nations (CHAN) and the CAN infrastructure and significant expenditures on security equipment, associated with heavy bilateral and multilateral debt and a precarious health system with the cancellation of 2 national public and national events: Labor day (May 1st) and the Unity day (May 20th), due to the COVID 19 pandemic. Internationally, there is the fall in world growth, and in the main stock markets, due to stagnation, and plant shutdowns linked to the progression of the Coronavirus which deeply and durably affects Western nations. We must add to the above, thousands of deaths from Coronavirus, which is spreading at a rapid rate worldwide; first China, Europe, North America, Russia and Africa are affected. This paper is an attempt to present what the Cameroonian authorities are doing to curve the virus.
Nemakonde, Livhuwani D and Olivia Kunguma, ‘Revealing the Boon and Bane of South Africa’s Disaster Management Legislation during COVID-19’ (2024) 16(1) Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies Article a1689 Abstract: Legislation provides a framework for effective and coordinated disaster preparedness and response. This article evaluates the strengths and shortcomings of South Africa’s disaster risk management (DRM) legislation in guiding the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Since its promulgation in 2002, South Africa’s DRM legislation has been hailed as one of the most progressive legislations globally. However, the severe respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2, commonly known as the COVID-19 pandemic, exposed inadequacies in most existing DRM legislation worldwide, including in South Africa. This led to an inadequate response to the pandemic. The review highlighted significant inadequacies of South African DRM legislation, including the placement of the National Disaster Management Centre and the establishment of new structures for COVID-19 response. Based on the findings of this study, disaster managers, as the primary implementers of the disaster management legislation, must motivate the constant review of the disaster management legislation as a way of mitigating social, economic, political and environmental impacts of disasters, which emanate from the inadequacies existing in the disaster legislation. Contribution: The study’s findings contribute to the effective management of the disaster management fraternity by suggesting amendment of the legislation based on the experience during the pandemic. The recommendations made to disaster managers will assist with responding appropriately to future pandemics and other disasters.
Ng, Yee-Fui and Stephen Gray, ‘Wars, Pandemics and Emergencies: What Can History Tell Us about Executive Power and Surveillance in Times of Crisis?’ (2021) 44(1) UNSW Law Journal 227–266 Abstract: In the fight against coronavirus, the Australian government has enacted a series of measures that represent an expansion of executive powers. These include the use of smartphone contact-tracing technology, mandatory isolation arrangements, and the closure of businesses. Critics have expressed concerns about the long-term implications of these measures upon individual rights. This article will analyse the validity of such concerns in the context of other historical uses of executive power in Australia in times of crisis: during the Spanish Flu pandemic of 1918, the First and Second World Wars, and the ‘War on Terror’ post-September 2001. Drawing its conclusions from these historical precedents, the article argues that clear legislative safeguards are a minimum necessary step both to prevent police and governmental abuse of privacy, and to foster and maintain trust in the government’s ability to manage their ‘emergency’ powers in a manner consistent with human rights.
Nguema, Ismaelline Eba, ‘The Rule of Law Tested by Covid-19: The Case of Gabon’ (2023) 12(1) Global Journal of Comparative Law 70–100 Abstract: In Gabon, the covid-19 crisis was accompanied by the adoption of emergency measures to respond to the health emergency caused by the pandemic. According to the texts in force, these measures should be necessary, non-discriminatory and strictly proportional to the health catastrophe. However, the governmental measures were accompanied by an infringement of fundamental rights and freedoms. Also, they have sometimes been taken outside of any legal framework. Thus, the objective of this article is to study the conformity of health emergency measures to the rule of law in Gabon. The method used to conduct this study is based on comparative law. It consisted mainly in comparing the legal responses to covid-19 in Gabon with those used in the country that seems to have inspired them, France. Similarly, an analysis was made of all the decisions rendered by the Gabonese constitutional court. This study shows that government measures have had a deleterious effect on the rule of law, further weakening its structure. The security response to the covid-19 crisis and the increase in inequality due mainly to government measures to combat covid-19 could have damaging effects that could extend well beyond the period of the pandemic.
Nguyen, Duc Tien, ‘“Authorized to Depart from the Law”: The Curious Case of Viet Nam in Times of COVID-19’ (2021) 44(1) Statute Law Review Article hmab022 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has posed myriad brain-wracking questions to decision-makers at all levels. Viet Nam managed to curb mortality and morbidity to praiseworthy levels in the past COVID-19 waves, however, has now had its back against the wall amidst the recent exponential infection cases and draining medical resources. For swiftly flattening the curve, the legislature authorized the Government to take bolder steps where needed, even different from the laws. This article argues that while the empowerment comes from the goodwill of the legislature for the purpose of containing the raging outbreak, there remain procedural irregularities. This should garner more attention from the state authority to ensure the rule of law and legality of all state actions during the time of public health emergency.
Nguyen, Duc Tien and An Thanh T Chu, ‘Weathering The Storm: Viet Nam’s Legal And Policy Measures in the Time of COVID-19’ [2020] (6: Special Issue 2) Public Administration Issues 7–32 Abstract: The novel coronavirus has shaken the entire world to its roots. Yet, governments’ responses have taken many forms. Some countries were able to flatten the curve, while others struggled to pick up the pieces. This article provides governance implications drawn from Viet Nam’s COVID-19 experience. Accordingly, the country’s key features of its COVID-19 responses include resolute leadership, information transparency, central – local government coordination, public participation, and adequate preparedness. Besides, this article also highlights some of Viet Nam’s key legislative and policy initiatives in a bid to cautiously keep the pandemic under control and the economy rolling. By doing so, it makes a practical contribution to the discourse on public governance in the time of a public health emergency.
Nkrumah, Bright, ‘The (Il)Legality of Ghana’s Covid-19 Emergency Response: A Commentary’ in Ebenezer Durojaye and Derek M Powell (eds), Constitutional Resilience and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa (Springer, 2022) 311–339 Abstract: The first quarter of 2020 will be remembered as a time when one virus redefined the norms of the human race. Like their global compatriots, Ghanaians have not been spared from the wrath of Covid-19. Confronted by the spread of the pandemic, the Ghanaian government declared a state of emergency and adopted a new framework, the Imposition of Restriction Act (IRA), to contain the rate of infection. This was despite the existence of three instruments that provide emergency powers for the President. Against this backdrop, this chapter surveys the steps the President took in declaring the state of emergency, the legal avenues that could have been used to manage social distancing, the threat the IRA poses to Ghana’s constitutional dispensation during and after the Covid-19 era, and how this threat could be averted.
Nkuubi, James, ‘When Guns Govern Public Health: Examining the Implications of the Militarised COVID-19 Pandemic Response for Democratisation and Human Rights in Uganda’ (2020) 20(2) African Human Rights Law Journal 607–639 Abstract: The article is premised on the hypothesis that the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Force (UPDF) and the attendant auxiliary forces are not an ideal force for domestic deployment in contending with public health pandemics such as COVID-19. The UPDF has been the main architectural tool that has been deployed by the National Resistance Movement party, a former guerilla movement, to perpetuate militarisation in the country for the past 30 years. The conduct, power, authority and prominent position accorded to the UPDF in the management of COVID-19 and the enforcement of the prevention measures laid bare this reality. Thus, unlike in other jurisdictions where the militaries were deployed because of their superior capability to adapt and provide extra and immediate professional services to support the civilian authorities, in Uganda this deployment was different. It was informed by the long-held and widely-documented belief by the President of Uganda, Museveni, that the UPDF, which developed from his personal guerrilla army of the National Resistance Army (NRA), only holds a legitimate vision for the country and is far more reliable. The COVID-19 pandemic, therefore, was an opportunity to continue the deliberate build-up and normalisation of the infiltration of the military in what have hitherto been spheres of operation for the civil and public servants. Thus, a critical question arises as to whether the primary motivation factor for the UPDF deployment was political, to accentuate the presidency of Museveni in power through militarisation. The question is also whether any positive harvests from the deployment of the military in the fight against COVID-19 were unintended consequences and, if they did materialise, how they were used to further glorify the centrality of the military in dealing with societal crises, further entrenching militarism. The article concludes with some recommendations emphasising the need for accountability – more so, parliamentary oversight in the deployment of the military in such situations to counter a breach of rights and freedoms. Additionally, this would check the current trend of the executive having the exclusive power to deploy the military, making it susceptible to hijacking and eventual politicisation and militarisation.
Nnawulezi, Uche and Salim Bashir Magashi, ‘Executive Orders and Fundamental Rights Regime in the Wake of COVID-19 Pandemic in Nigeria’ (2023) 10(2: Special Edition on COVID-19) KNUST Law Journal 151–171 Abstract: This paper is an exploratory study that focused on executive orders and fundamental rights regime in the wake of Covid-i9 Pandemic in Nigeria. The Nigerian fundamental rights regime is today bedeviled with series of challenges such as issues of suspension of laws and the introduction of several measures needed to deal with the spread of the virus that undermines human rights and rule of law. Other issues include powers given to the security forces to monitor and enforce the lockdown orders are not always understood or obeyed. The current discourse on this issue is in line with the incessant complaints by Nigerians that the stay at home restriction order have had deleterious consequences on the poor, the low income earners and the millions of Nigerians who rely on informal activities to eke a living for themselves. Thus, the emphasis here is on the emergence of the executive orders in Nigeria and the current challenges it has posed on fundamental rights regime in the wake of COVID-19 Pandemic. This paper adopts analytical and qualitative approach and builds its argument on existing literatures which is achieved by a synthesis of ideas. More importantly, necessary recommendations are made. This paper concludes that the essence of re-examining the executive orders is to ensure that it will be used in a manner that will not undermine the gains made in the last three decades in recognizing, protecting human rights and respect for the rule of law in Nigeria.
Noah, Lars, Law and the Public’s Health: Cases, Controversies, and Covid-19 (Carolina Academic Press, forthcoming May 2023) Abstract: The varied responses to our latest pandemic have embroiled all three branches of the U.S. government—as well as the private sector—in a dizzying range of legal disputes, colored by growing partisanship and deepening ideological divisions. This casebook includes 140 judicial decisions, more than one-third of which are less than three years old and almost one-quarter of which relate to Covid-19. Other included case law covers the likes of smallpox, influenza, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, salmonella and other bacterial threats, smoking and vaping, obesity and diabetes, drug and alcohol abuse, gun violence, motor vehicle accidents, and lead contamination. Instead of focusing on either discrete issue areas (e.g., respiratory contagions) or clusters of legal rules (e.g., free exercise of religion), this casebook groups the excerpted opinions and affiliated discussion by reference to the various tools available for promoting the public’s health, broadly divided according to whether government intervention aims to manage (1) people, (2) places, (3) things, or (4) information. Obviously, these tools often overlap, and the final chapter attempts to recombine them in assessing the multifaceted nature of policy responses to a handful of modern problems. Designed for use in law school, Law and the Public’s Health focuses specifically on public law rather than health law and medical ethics, making it an accessible casebook for law students without a background in medicine.
Nocera, Laura Alessandra, ‘Facing the Pandemic: Emergency Legislation in the COVID-19 Era and the Hypothetical Erosion of Democracy’ in Mathieu Deflem (ed), Crime and Social Control in Pandemic Times (Emerald, 2023) 155–170 Abstract: This chapter aims to analyze the pandemic situation in a legal and political point of view, to find what measures have been adopted by States to face the spread of the contagion, and whether those measures have been determinant in the redefinition of democracy. Emergency dispositions were enacted when an ‘emergency state’ was declared, containing a series of dangerous elements for the correct application of the rule of law. This chapter doesn’t want to provide a mere chronicle of what happened during the COVID-19 situation, but it finds that in some peculiar cases emergency affected a degeneration of democratic institutions, and an acceptance of a new model of state, with hypertrophic executives, weak legislative bodies, not equilibrated balance of fundamental rights, and a rise of technocracy.
Nomani, MZM and Faisal Sherwani, ‘Legal Control of Covid-19 Pandemic and National Lockdown in India’ (2020) 11(4) Journal of Cardiovascular Disease Research 32–35 Abstract: The legal control of COVID-19 pandemic during two month’s national lockdown in India derives its sustenance from Article 47 and Entry 29 of the seventh schedule of the Constitution of India, 1950. The controlling mechanism administered through the vintage law contained under the Indian Penal Code, 1860 and Epidemic Diseases Act), 1897. India witnessed COVID-19 infection in the states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat and Delhi. They account for two-thirds of India’s total cases surpassing Wuhan of Hubei province in China. On the legal front, the COVID-19 pandemic invented an innovative strategy under the Disaster Management Act, 2005 by the legitimate assumption of catastrophe and calamity. The implementation of quarantine law spearheaded the security of health professions as a significant problem. The public health reform discerned into Presidential promulgation of Epidemic Diseases (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020. The socio-economic fall out of the COVID-19 pandemic and consequent lockdown calls for judicial intervention to meet the goals of health care and equity. The paper examines the comparative case studies for testing the legitimacy of quarantine law enforcement. It delves deep into the Indian Supreme Court decisions in meeting the contemporary challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic in the framework of public health law reform in India.
Nomani, MZM and Madiha Tahreem, ‘Constitutionality and Legality of Corona Virus (COVID-19) Induced Lockdowns in India: Limits of Sanction and Extent of Liberation’ (2020) 11(3) International Journal on Emerging Technologies 14–18 Abstract: The Corona Virus (COVID-19) and its global spread have resulted in declaring a pandemic by the World Health Organization. India rapidly responded and clamped Lockdown from March 25, 2020, to April 14, 2020. The Government legitimized move on the constructional mandate of Article 47 and Entry 29 of the seventh schedule of the Constitution of India, 1950. It has also utilized time tested quarantine law contained under Indian Penal Code, 1860, and Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897. Such a health emergency was not contemplated under the Constitution of India, 1950; therefore, it has envisioned calamitous situation underpinned Disaster Management Act, 2005, to chart the preventive strategy of COVID-19. The innovation of COVID-19 as disaster and catastrophe fitted into the phrase ‘beyond the coping capacity of the community.’ The Central Government assumed the role of the custodian to undertake all preventive and anticipatory measures. Because of rising death cases after two weeks of Lockdown, it wanted to extend for the prevention of infectious and contagious diseases further. The paper is a critical appraisal of the constitutionality and legality of COVID-19 induced Lockdown and attendant sanction and liberation in the context of social and egalitarian context.
Nordberg, Ana and Titti Mattsson, ‘COVID-19 Pandemic in Sweden: Measures, Policy Approach and Legal and Ethical Debates’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3609803, 15 May 2020) Abstract: In this article we analyse the legal approach and measures implemented by Sweden’s public authorities as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic and their legal background. Further, we discuss general legal and ethical questions related to measures to contain public health threats such as the current COVID-19 pandemic. It is outside of the scope of this paper to compare and critically analyse the effectiveness of Sweden’s public health strategy.
Nurhayati, Siti and Fenolia Intan Saputri, ‘Legal Compliance of the Community in the Transition Period from Pandemic to Endemic Covid-19: A Study Analyzing the Effectiveness of PPKM Policies’ (2023) 1 Proceedings of the International Seminar on Sharia and Law 31–44 Abstract: This article aims to review the effectiveness of community activity restriction policies (PPKM) in preventing coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) and analyze the legal compliance of the community with PPKM policies during the transition from pandemic to endemic. As a juridical-normative study, the approach used includes a conceptual approach. PPKM is claimed by various parties to have successfully suppressed the spread of Covid-19 cases in Indonesia, leading to the government’s announcement of the transition from the pandemic to the endemic phase of Covid-19. However, behind this success, there are factors influencing law enforcement. These factors include legal awareness, legal compliance, and legal culture. The relationship between these three factors is closely related to achieving legal goals. Legal culture cannot materialize without legal compliance, especially compliance with various policies in preventing and handling Covid-19. Ideally, compliance that arises is compliance without coercion. In other words, everything is based on legal awareness that ultimately becomes a habit.
Nys, Herman, ‘European Court of Justice’ (2024) 31(2) European Journal of Health Law 209–233 Abstract: This document discusses the case of Nordic Info BV v Belgische Staat, where a travel agency, Nordic Info, challenged Belgian legislation that restricted non-essential travel due to public health concerns. The European Court of Justice has referred questions to the Court of Justice to determine the interpretation of relevant directives and the justification of Belgium’s measures. The document emphasizes the importance of measures to prevent the spread of diseases, such as screening tests and quarantine requirements, while also highlighting the need for legal certainty, good administration, and the right to judicial remedy. It concludes that the specific measures should be assessed for their proportionality and effectiveness in achieving public health objectives. Additionally, the document discusses Belgium’s controls on entering and leaving the country during the COVID-19 pandemic, emphasizing the need for compliance with EU law and the Schengen Borders Code. It argues that Belgium’s control measures were justified on public health grounds and did not violate EU law.
Oana, Serban, ‘The Biopolitical Turn of the Post-Covid World: Leftist and Neoliberal Insights of Puzzling Biopolitics’ (2021) 6(1) Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 73–87 Abstract: As the 21st century became shaped by the matters of public health, the Covid-19 pandemic revealed that it is a trap to believe that we have to choose between the medicalisation of politics and the politicisation of medicine. My thesis is that models of good governance in the post-pandemic world must be shaped by leftist principles, values and practices, in order to ensure not the reopening, but the reconstruction of public life, which needs more than ever overcoming social inequalities and political polarisations, whereas liberal principles should be implemented in order to fix standards of economic performance and efficiency after applying mechanism of recovery. Governments as well as electoral spheres are reticent to biopolitical incursions, historically associated with panoptic systems. I claim that it is time to plead for positivising biopolitics as political humanism. My research will expose twelve themes for disseminating biopolitics as political humanism, focused on sensitive key-domains such as labour, social cohesion, security, infodemia, domestic life and good governance.
O’Flynn, Janine, ‘Collaborating After Crisis: How Public Administration Scholars and Practitioners Can Work Together’ (Melbourne School of Government, University of Melbourne, Governing during crises, Policy Brief No 8, 22 October 2020) Key Points: The Policy Brief makes the following key points: (a) COVID-19 has laid bare the capacity challenges faced by governments and exacerbated entrenched disadvantage and inequality. The pandemic has acted as an accelerant of many problems that confront governments, shining light on how decades of reform have eroded government capacity and bought to the fore deep divisions in society. (b) Practitioners and scholars can work together on big challenges that confront us during the crisis and in the aftermath. We need a pivot from ‘big questions’ towards ‘big challenges’, so that public administration and management scholars can work closely with practitioners to address these challenges in real time. (c) To make a difference we need new ways of working collaboratively. If we are keen to collaborate in this crisis and beyond it makes more sense to look to successful collaborations rather than dwell on supposed tensions between scholars and practitioners.
Oh, Juhwan et al, ‘National Response to COVID-19 in the Republic of Korea and Lessons Learned for Other Countries’ (2020) 6(1) Health Systems & Reform Article e1753464 Abstract: In the first two months of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Republic of Korea (South Korea) had the second highest number of cases globally yet was able to dramatically lower the incidence of new cases and sustain a low mortality rate, making it a promising example of strong national response. We describe the main strategies undertaken and selected facilitators and challenges in order to identify transferable lessons for other countries working to control the spread and impact of COVID-19. Identified strategies included early recognition of the threat and rapid activation of national response protocols led by national leadership; rapid establishment of diagnostic capacity; scale-up of measures for preventing community transmission; and redesigning the triage and treatment systems, mobilizing the necessary resources for clinical care. Facilitators included existing hospital capacity, the epidemiology of the COVID-19 outbreak, and strong national leadership despite political changes and population sensitization due to the 2015 Middle East respiratory syndrome–related coronavirus (MERS-CoV) epidemic. Challenges included sustaining adequate human resources and supplies in high-caseload areas. Key recommendations include (1) recognize the problem, (2) establish diagnostic capacity, (3) implement aggressive measures to prevent community transmission, (4) redesign and reallocate clinical resources for the new environment, and (5) work to limit economic impact through and while prioritizing controlling the spread and impact of COVID-19. South Korea’s strategies to prevent, detect, and respond to the pandemic represent applicable knowledge that can be adopted by other countries and the global community facing the enormous COVID-19 challenges ahead.
Ohlin, Jens David, ‘Pandemics, Quarantines, Utility, and Dignity’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3591784, Social Science Research Network, 3 May 2020) Abstract: Medical quarantines were once common in the United States, but in the last 50 years they have been used infrequently by the government. That changed with the spread of the novel Coronavirus, and the resulting Covid-19 illness, in 2020. Cruise ships where the virus had taken hold were quarantined and passengers were prohibited from disembarking. Residents of towns in Spain, and an entire province of China, were prevented from leaving by their respective governments. This Article argues that the permissibility of coercive quarantines is best understood as an example of threshold deontology. Threshold deontology is the view that individual human dignity must prevail over the common good, but that in moments of extreme emergency, when a ‘threshold’ has been reached, the reverse is true: the common good can trump individual rights. Part I provides a brief overview of the use of coercive quarantines to fight Covid-19 and the surprising lack of objection that these measures triggered. Part II explores the unmistakably utilitarian logic behind public health generally and quarantines specifically. Then, Part III introduces the concept of human dignity as a constraint on utilitarian public health by surveying three representative jurisdictions: The United States, German domestic law, and the European Convention on Human Rights. Part III concludes that even liberal democracies vary subtly but significantly in how strongly they protect human dignity and that these differing levels of commitment to human dignity help explain why some legal cultures have been so quick to resort to quarantines, while other communities have been reluctant. Finally, Part IV suggests that jurisdictions that are usually protective of individual rights but decide to fight Covid-19 with coercive quarantines are best understood as operating under the sway of threshold deontology. This Article does not defend threshold deontology as a moral theory but does argue that it is best understood as a covert form of indirect consequentialism. Moreover, this Article concludes that threshold deontology is the key moral battleground for debating the quarantine power during the Covid-19 era.
Olimid, Anca Parmena and Daniel Alin Olimid, ‘EU Institutional Resilience and Population Protection during COVID-19: Explaining the Social Impact of the Regulation (EU) 2021/24’ [2021] (69) Revista de Stiinte Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques 109–119 Abstract: The aim of the study is to explore the general provisions and policy areas of the Regulation (EU) 2021/241 for the establishment and implementation of the ‘Recovery and Resilience Facility’ (RRF) and to explain why the horizontal principles and the recovery instruments make such a difference for the European Union (EU) recovery plans. The research of the nexus between the policy coordination, the resilience facilities and the population protection outcomes is mapped by designing on a legal and social account of: (1) the shared programmes and resources; (2) the harmonious implementation of the EU policies (EUp) in the context of the COVID-19 crisis; (3) the stipulation of the principle of additionality concerning the EU funding areas; (4) the goals of the intervention fields in accordance with the Annex VI of the RRF: the social policies, the social integration of the vulnerable groups of the population, the social inclusion, the employment policies, the economic policies, the digital transition, the territorial cohesion, the green transition by pointing: biodiversity and climate measures. The paper concludes with a discussion of the ‘institutional resilience’ and the ‘resilience dialogue’ by outlining the need for a coordinated response of the Member States (MS) to reinforce the link between EU policy areas and the economic governance.
Oluduro, Olubayo, ‘Walking a Tightrope: Balancing Human Rights and Public Health Measures During the Covid-19 Pandemic in Nigeria’ in Ebenezer Durojaye and Derek M Powell (eds), Constitutional Resilience and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa (Springer, 2022) 223–254 Abstract: As of 8 July 2021, there were 184,820,132 confirmed cases of Covid-19 globally and more than 4,002,209 deaths. In Nigeria, the government has instituted regulations and emergency measures to combat the pandemic, but some of them have grave implications for human rights. This chapter examines the pandemic’s impact on the human rights of vulnerable and marginalised groups in Nigeria, the nature of the measures taken, and their constitutionality and effectiveness (or otherwise). It argues for the need to adopt a rights-respecting approach in combating Covid-19 as well as other future public health emergencies.
Omar, Habibah, Indrawati S.h and Che Audah Hassan, ‘Law Enforcement Issues During Covid-19: Experience from Malaysia and Indonesia’ (2021) 6(SI6) Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal_ _Abstract: This article examines the legal issues relating to the State Administrators’ enforcement of policies, rules, and decision-making in Malaysia and Indonesia during the pandemic from the perspective of administrative law. The State Administrators have come out with various Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) that impacted the people. It is argued that administrative law can discern potential abuse by State administrators while enforcing the law. This article will examine the enforcement issues in both nations by utilizing doctrinal and comparative analysis. Consequently, some exercise of discretion of the executive can be questioned and challenged under the purview of administrative law.
Ondřejek, Pavel, ‘Threshold of Justification of Emergency Regulations: On Coherentism Requirement for the Justification of Measures Adopted in the Czech Republic during the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (2021) 27(2) Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej 41–53 (Jurisdiction: Threshold of Justification of Emergency Regulations) Abstract: The article deals with justification of generally binding legal acts as part of a state governed by the rule of law. The ‘state of exception’ caused by the COVID-19 pandemic adds a new dimension to the issue of justification. The practice prevailing in the Czech Republic in 2020 did not reflect even the minimum requirements for justifying emergency measures, which brought on problems both in the practical application of the adopted measures and in their subsequent judicial review. The article attempts to find an appropriate level of justification, referred to as the threshold of justification and based on the coherentist theory of epistemic justification. The basis of such justification lies in the idea that individual grounds for justification can be found in the explanatory reports of the legislation, on the one hand, and in various pieces of relevant information available to the addressees, on the other hand. All these reasons should form a coherent whole and they should ultimately legitimize restrictions on the freedom of individuals. The final part of the article describes the importance of the threshold of justification for the review of proportionality and even reasonableness of the law.
Oni, Samuel and -Dada Moyosoluwa Dele, ‘Legislative Oversight and Executive Aggrandisement in the Nigeria’s COVID-19 Emergency Governance’ (2022) 10(2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 186–202 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has compelled governments across nations of the world to devise and implement emergency measures for curtailing the spread of the lethal virus. A fundamental debate is the relevance of legislature’s involvement in the emergency decision-making and the extent to which this representative assembly is able to assert its oversight role by making the government accountable to the public in emergency governance. Nigeria, like many other nations across the globe, has called upon government emergency powers to deal with the pandemic. This paper examines the imperative of legislative oversight of emergency governance and interrogates the extent to which the legislature has been able to monitor, control and make government accountable to the public in the COVID-19 emergency response in Nigeria. The study which is qualitative, relied heavily on secondary data and adopted a systematic literature review for data collection and analysis. Findings revealed the limited legislative oversight of government’s emergency declarations for dealing with the pandemic which further perpetuated executive dominance in the governance process of Nigeria. The invocation of the ‘Quarantine Act 1929’ by the President instead of its state of emergency powers, the latter which constitutionally requires legislature’s oversight, and the subsequent issuing of COVID-19 regulations, portrays executive aggrandisement. The relegation of the legislative oversight in the use of emergency powers for responding to the COVID-19 pandemic enhances executive dominance and undermines the democratic principles of checks and balances with its concomitant implications for accountability, inclusivity and democratic legitimacy required in emergency governance.
Onoge, Elohor Stephanie, ‘Monitoring and Evaluating the Impact (Post-Legislative Scrutiny) of Emergency Regulation in Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case Study of Nigeria’ (2021) 8(1: Covid Special Issue) IALS Student Law Review 39–46 Abstract: The threat posed by passing emergency laws and policies in response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic can be said to be a critical precursor of human rights abuses. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Nigerian President issued the COVID-19 REGULATION 2020 exercising his powers under the Federal Quarantine Act, CAP Q2 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. Based on this, the Nigerian Federal Government has undertaken stringent measures, enforced restrictions and cessation of movement, social and economic activities in Nigeria to curtail the pandemic. Nigeria has employed human control to stop the disease’s spread, including travel bans, quarantine orders, social distancing, and lockdowns. The measures applied to curtail the spread of COVID-19 have an undoubted impact on human rights. The Nigerian government implemented these restrictive measures which impinge on human rights and democratic processes with authoritarian provisions. This study analyses the emergency measures implemented by the Nigerian government and human rights’ infractions and considers Post-Legislative Scrutiny to mitigate the government’s legislative actions as a safeguard for human rights and democracy in Nigeria. To ensure true democracy, Nigerian regulations, laws, and policy response to COVID-19 must align with international human rights commitments. And the temporarily imposed restrictions on rights are reviewed by the Legislature and do not become permanent. Questions to be addressed in this paper are: (1) Is the breadth of powers currently enjoyed by executive bodies, such as Public Health authorities and security forces under scrutiny and review of the Legislature? (2) Are there safeguards put in place by the Legislature, as an oversight to ensure democratic rule and respect for human rights in Nigeria? The paper uses the qualitative research method. It relies on content analysis of COVID-19 regulatory and legislative provisions, academic literature, articles, journals, and newspaper publications.
Opolska, Zuzanna, ‘How Has Norway Beaten the COVID-19 Pandemic?’ (2021) 7(1) Journal of Health Inequalities 7–11 Abstract: Norway is seen as a model in the fight against COVID-19. In 15 months, just 789 people died from the coronavirus. Frode Forland from the Institute of Public Health tells us how Norway managed to overcome the pandemic.
Orie, Erimma Gloria, ‘Climate Change, Sustainable Health and COVID-19 Pandemic in Nigeria: The Legal Issues in Perspective’ (2023) 19(1) Medical Sciences Forum 7 Abstract: The paper examined legal impediments to sustainable health in Nigeria due to the impact of climate change (CC) exacerbated by coronavirus (COVID-19). COVID-19 has presented the world with a crisis greatly accentuated by the urgency with which we need to fight the CC debacle, making the need for sustainable development (SD) more obviously acute than ever and requiring a response rooted in the principles of SD. On 29 September 2020, a total of 1 million COVID-19 deaths had occurred worldwide, while in Africa, there were about 35,954 cumulative fatalities. In Nigeria, the situation was similar. This paper found that despite the ravaging COVID-19 pandemic, health is still a low priority in Nigeria; 4.526 percent of the country’s budget was appropriated to the health sector in 2021 and 4.3 percent in 2022, contrary to the 2001 Abuja Declaration by African leaders and the 15 percent value stipulated by the WHO. The challenge is that Nigeria’s efforts in attaining sustainable health and eradication of COVID-19 are arbitrary and have been hampered by the absence of tested laws on CC andCOVID-19, thereby resulting in avoidable fatalities. Using analytical research methodology and drawing from global best practices to achieve sustainable health, this paper recommended the incorporation of legal and institutional frameworks to combat COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria.
Ormerod, David, ‘Coronavirus and Emergency Powers’ (2020) 6 Criminal Law Review 473–477 Abstract: Reflects on emergency powers introduced by UK legislation in response to the coronavirus pandemic. Discusses issues including an initial lack of guidance on the restrictions, civil liberties and police powers involving dispersal of gatherings and reasonable excuses for leaving home, increased domestic violence and whether spitting or coughing at people is an offence. Notes changes to court procedures, such as the increased use of direct live links.
Oseni, Alexandra Adetutu, ‘Examining Implementation of Policy Effects on Coronavirus (Covid-19) in United State of America’ (2020) 96 Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization 123–129 Abstract: This particular study examines public policy implementation theories on the various interventions to combat the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. As underscored in the literature COVID-19 is perceived to be a respiratory disease caused by a novel Coronavirus. The virus was first noticed in Wuhan in China. This global killer-COVID-19 has caused many countries, including the United States of America, to get on rigorous policies measures to help contain the spread. Some of the perceived preventive measures taken by the United States of America include travel restrictions, official and self quarantines, postponements of events facility closures and curfews. All these are possible immediate solution proposed by healthcare experts and professionals to flatten the COVID-19 curve. As a result of adding to public policy literature and to also assist policymaker to understand the implication of their choice of intervention procedures, the study uses the two main approaches of policy or program implementation-top-down and bottom-up to all governors, decision makers on possible ways to approach pandemic issues. In the face of this COVID-19 pandemic, the study recommended that all preventive care, possible treatment tools (or medication), screening and if possible vaccination must be either free or demanded at a subsidized rate in order make eradication possible
Osman, Magda et al, ‘The Thorny Problems of COVID-19 Contact Tracing Apps: The Need for a Holistic Approach’ (2020) 4(S-COVID-19 Special Issue) Journal of Behavioral Economics for Policy 57–61 Abstract: Once we accept the potential advantages that may arise from investing in contact tracing apps (CTA) as a response to the current COVID-19 crisis, we need to consider the different challenges that arise, and how they can be solved. In so doing, and to make the job surmountable, we must understand the challenging class of problems that spans both technical and behavioral issues (thorny issues). In thinking about the value of contact tracing, and the potential resolutions to some of the core problems, this short piece outlines what policy makers may need to consider, especially if we are to successfully deal with the predicted second wave.
Osuji, Onyeka, ‘African Union and Public Health Crises in a Regional Legal Order’ in Carla Ferstman and Andrew Fagan (eds), Covid-19, Law and Human Rights: Essex Dialogues (School of Law and Human Rights Centre, University of Essex, 2020) 41–50 Abstract: In the context of responses to the Covid-19 pandemic, the paper examines the African regional regime for public health crises and disasters. Using the combined analytic lenses of Capability Approach, Institutional Theory, Constructivism, New Regionalism Approach and Actor Network Theory, it focuses on the opportunities offered by, and limitations of, the African Union legal order.
Oxford Analytica, ‘Concerns over Rule of Law Will Rise Post-Pandemic: Latin America’ (Expert Briefings, 27 October 2020) Abstract: Latin America scores poorly on global assessments of both corruption perceptions and judicial independence. Impacts: Political interference in corruption cases in Brazil will mar early enthusiasm for the ‘Operation Car Wash’ probe; Anger over perceived over-stepping of legal limits in the imposition of lockdowns will drive post-pandemic protests; This will be particularly the case if, as seems likely, corruption allegations surrounding COVID-19 provisions themselves expand; Chile’s plebiscite on whether to draft a new constitution to address such issues may not be the last.
Pacces, Alessio M and Maria Weimer, ‘From Diversity to Coordination: A European Approach to COVID-19’ (2020) 11(2) European Journal of Risk Regulation Special Issue-‘Taming COVID-19 by Regulation’ 283-296 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic is changing the face of Europe. Member States’ divergent responses to this crisis reveal a lack of unity in the face of a humanitarian catastrophe. At best, this undermines the effectiveness of health protection within the European Union (EU). At worst, it risks breaking up the Union altogether. Divergent national responses to COVID-19 reflect different national preferences and political legitimacy, and thus cannot be completely avoided. In this article, we argue that these responses should be better coordinated. Without coordination, the price for diversity is high. Firstly, there are damaging spill-overs between Member States, which undermine key pillars of European integration such as the free movement of persons and of goods. Secondly, national policy-making is easily captured by local interest groups. Our proposal is that the EU indicates – not mandates – a European exit strategy from asymmetric containment policies of COVID-19. In particular, the EU should help Member States procure and validate tests for infection and immunity. The EU should also indicate ways in which testing could be used to create safe spaces to work, thereby restoring the free movement of persons and of goods. We see a great advantage in such EU guidance: it could improve mutual learning between Member States, which have faced different timings of the epidemic and learned different lessons. Although the local political economy has so far delayed learning and undermined cooperation, the EU can mitigate both effects and indicate the way for Europe to resurrect united from the ashes of COVID-19.
Pagallo, Ugo, ‘Sovereigns, Viruses, and the Law: The Normative Challenges of Pandemic in Today’s Information Societies’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3600038, 13 May 2020) Abstract: The paper examines the legal and political impact of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing the attention to fundamental questions on authority and political legitimacy, coercion and obligation, power and cooperation. National states and sovereign governments have had and still will have a crucial role in re-establishing the public health sector and addressing the colossal challenges of economic re-construction. Scholars have accordingly discussed the set of legal means displayed during this crisis: emergency decrees, lockdowns, travel bans, and generally speaking, powers of the state of exception. The aim of this paper is to stress the limits of such perspectives on powers of national governments and sovereigns, in order to illustrate what goes beyond such powers. Focus should be on the ontological, epistemic and normative constraints that affect today’s rights and duties of national states. Such constraints correspond to a class of problems that is complex, often transnational, and increasingly data-driven. In addition, we should not overlook the lessons learnt from such fields, as environmental law and internet governance, anti-terrorism and transnational business law, up to the regulation of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Such fields show that legal co-regulation and mechanisms of coordination and cooperation complement the traditional powers of national governments even in the times of the mother of all pandemics. The Covid-19 crisis has been often interpreted as if this were the last chapter of an on-going history about the Leviathan and its bio-powers. It is not. The crisis regards the end of the first chapter on the history of today’s information societies.
Palmer, Geoffrey, ‘Peace, Order, and Demonstrations’ (Victoria University of Wellington Legal Research Paper No 39/2022, Social Science Research Network, 22 February 2022) Abstract: A journalistic piece originally published by Stuff on 22 February 2022. In the wake of the anti-mandate protests and occupation of New Zealand’s Parliament in early 2022, the article provides a guide to the key legal issues. It outlines the relevant legislative provisions governing the police response, explaining the importance of operational independence and the rule of law. It also touches on how the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 has been misunderstood throughout Covid-19 debates.
Palrecha, Harshita and Dhruv Nyayadhish, ‘Invoking the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 in Light of the Epidemic Diseases (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3627581, 12 June 2020)
Jurisdiction: India Abstract: The outbreak of the novel coronavirus demanded the invokement of the epidemic diseases act to combat the crises and provide a legal substance in enforcing rules and regulations. In times of such despair, the Epidemic diseases act, an act legislated in the pre-constitutional era came to the rescue. This paper analyses the provisions of the act and pitfalls faced in light of new challenges and the need to reform the act by inserting new provisions to better capture the modern-day challenges. This paper also deals with the Epidemic Diseases (amendment) ordinance, 2020 which received the assent of the president on April 23rd, 2020 which provided for stricter punishments for attacks against health workers, increased compensation, to make the offences cognizable and non-bailable among other things. This article seeks to establish whether the act and in addition to the new amendment is sufficient to combat current and future crises of similar nature to the novel coronavirus.
Pamungkas, Bani and Maulana Yusuf, ‘Crowd Legislation in Post-Pandemic Era: Overview, Challenges, and Opportunities for Participatory Democracy’s Future’ (2nd International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation (ICON-DEMOST 2023), Atlantis Press, 2024) 100–106 Abstract: This study will examine the constraints and prospects for using crowd law to promote post-pandemic participatory democracy. Digital platforms have made it possible to involve many people more effectively and efficiently in decision-making processes, or even influence law-making to make it more representative and meaningful. In an open government era, the crowdsourcing approach expands public participation in governance. Crowdsourcing platforms make it possible for anyone to participate online in gathering information and ideas for wider public solutions. This is an effort to address more complex issues in a variety of fields, including advancing the creation of transformative legislation solutions. Covid-19’s spread has accelerated the digitization of public life. The pandemic has become a game-changer for public policy and government administration. This study examines scientific papers using the Dimensions.ai research information system from Digital Science. With 98 articles between 2021 and 2023, dimension.ai bibliographic analysis shows that scholarly interest in mass legislation, post-pandemic, and participatory democracy has increased. Human society, legal studies and law, language, communication, and culture, and business, management, and tourism dominate mass legislation, post-pandemic, and participatory democracy study. According to article origin, the US and England contribute the most with 30 articles each. Then China and Germany rank second and third. Europe dominates the continents over Asia and America. Visualizing the co-authorship network indicates a correlation between crowd legislation, post-pandemic, and participatory democracy scholars. Crowdsourcing policies and laws can improve inclusivity, openness, accountability, dialogue, and community empowerment. Through crowdsourcing, the legislative process increases public participation and crowd capital by improving knowledge, access to new ideas, and public commitment. ideally it helps build more participatory policy making and improve democracy and products of law.
Panah, Nazanin, ‘Proceed with Caution: Complicating Artificial Intelligence as a Future Decision-Maker in Canadian Law’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 4010199, 21 January 2021) Abstract: Artificial Intelligence [‘AI’] decision-making has been raised by practitioners, media, and even the Canadian government, as a solution to the many legal issues plaguing the legal system including costs, delays, and even bias. AI is increasingly being adapted by state organizations for decision-making purposes and in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, such use is anticipated to increase. However, I argue that in light of research discovering bias embedded in AI decision-making, such implementation is premature and could further deepen institutional inequalities. Furthermore, science is publicly perceived and branded by state actors as neutral and a marker of efficiency, thus identifying and eradicating such inequalities will be increasingly difficult as the layers of obscure AI decision-making and the legitimization of the neutrality of science compound. My paper uses recent changes in Canadian immigration law as a case study to demonstrate how a state can legitimize the use of technology with markers of efficiency and modernity while incorporating AI decision-making without transparency or in-depth consideration of the real risk and consequences of embedded bias. Immigration law is a fruitful example of the role that AI decision-making can play in entrenching inequality because it is a field of law that is directly engaged with maintaining borders and nation-building. Technology, and the manner in and purpose for which technology is used, reflects state values and state missions when it comes to race and society. My paper calls for a more cautious approach to AI decision-making that prioritizes transparency and accountability in order for AI decision-making to be a true investment in the future of the legal system.
Pandey, Poonam and Mario Pansera, ‘Learning Beyond Boundaries: Policy-Making in the Time of a Pandemic’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3581378, 20 April 2020) Abstract: This commentary critically analyses the recent policy response to the COVID 19 crisis in India. By debunking the illusion of control through intelligent use of science and technology, we argue for the recognition of multiple vulnerabilities that are often excluded in narrow, elitist and top-down S&T based accounts. In order to device an apt response for the current outbreak we propose for democratic governance of science and technology, learning across disciplinary boundaries and knowledge communities and inclusive and empowered knowledge sharing mechanisms.
Pandžić, Marijeta Vitez and Jasmina Kovačević, ‘Regulatory Systems of Selected European Union Member States in Covid-19 Pandemic Management and Lessons for the Future’ (2021) 5(EU 2021 – The Future of the EU in and After the Pandemic) EU and Comparative Law Issues and Challenges Series (ECLIC) 967–996 Abstract: The European Union (EU) actively responded to the pandemic and the consequences of the pandemic in different areas of human activity (health, economic, social, etc.) adopting a series of regulations, measures and guidelines in different fields. EU member states acted in accordance with EU regulations and within their own legal system and the management structures. The aim of this paper was to analyze ten selected EU member states and their regulatory responses in the approach to pandemic control in relation to the mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. The following hypothesis was set: The regulatory systems and management structures of selected EU member states in the framework of the management of the COVID-19 pandemic have been successfully set up and implemented and have contributed to the lower mortality rate per million inhabitants until January 15, 2021. Ten EU countries were selected for the study according to their mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. Besides Croatia (average mortality), research included three member states with high (Belgium, Slovenia, Czechia), three with average (Hungary, Austria, Slovakia) and three with low mortality rate per million inhabitants (Ireland, Denmark, Finland). All available data from EU and ten selected countries were collected and analysed: about legal framework for crisis management, regulatory powers, level of decentralization in the health care system and whether the timeline of the pandemic control criteria according to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) was adequately set. Data were analysed in Microsoft Office Excel. Given the obtained results, hypothesis can be considered only partially proven. The legal framework used by studied EU countries for adopting pandemic control measures was not consistently associated with morality rate in this research. All studied EU countries used legal framework that existed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, four of them had states of emergency provided in the Constitution (Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland), four of them effectively declared statutory regimes (Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovakia), and Belgium adopted pandemic control measures using special legislative powers. Three studied countries (Austria, Denmark, Finland) had high level of decentralised decision making in health sector and lower COVID-19 mortality rate. In the first pandemic wave (start in March, 2020) all studied countries respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures according to the IHME criteria. In the second pandemic wave (start in October, 2020) only four countries (Czechia, Ireland, Denmark, Finland) respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures and three (Ireland, Denmark, Finland) were in low mortality group. Within the concluding considerations of the studied countries and in their pandemic management models, Finland and Denmark were recognised as the most successful with lowest COVID-19 mortality rates. Long tradition of Public Health, decentralized health care decision-making, high level of preparedness in crisis management and adequate timeline in implementation of the pandemic control measures led to lower mortality in COVID-19 pandemic. In the future EU could take even more active role within its legal powers and propose scientific based approach in crisis management to help countries implement measures to preserve lives of EU citizens.
Park, Jihyun, Yayuk Whindari and Ramadhita Ramadhita, ‘Legal Dynamics in Asia During the Covid-19 Era: Focus on Korean Experience’ (4th International Conference on Law, Technology, Spirituality and Society (ICOLESS), 2021) 143–157 Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on various aspects of human life. One of them is the change of law in many countries including South Korea. This article aims to describe the legal dynamics that occur in South Korea in handling the COVID-19 pandemic. This article is the result of doctrinal law research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The primary legal material of this study is various regulations that emerged during the pandemic. The results of this study indicate that the COVID-19 pandemic is an emergency condition that results in legal changes in South Korea. This change has been supported by the community. One of them is through an intensive communication process and information transparency.
Parker, Richard W, ‘Why America’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic Failed: Lessons from New Zealand’s Success’ (2021) 73(1) Administrative Law Review 77–103 Abstract: COVID-19 is the ultimate test of administrative law and governance, as every country faces the common challenge of saving lives from a virulent pandemic at a manageable cost to the economy. Polls show that 48 percent of Americans think that COVID-19 posed an essentially impossible test and that the US has performed as well as most other countries in meeting the pandemic challenge. This Essay refutes that misperception. It shows that the U.S. COVID-19 mortality rate for 2020, adjusted for population, was more than twice as high as Canada’s and Germany’s; 40 times higher than Japan’s; 59 times higher than South Korea’s, and 207 times higher than New Zealand’s mortality rate despite over $2 trillion in U.S. deficit spending. In fact, U.S. performance at the level of South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, or Japan in containing the pandemic would have saved over 300,000 American lives in 2020 alone. This Essay then offers a detailed comparison of the COVID-19 response of the Trump Administration to that of New Zealand, which mounted a truly successful response. While some observers have dismissed New Zealand’s success as an artifact of good luck -- or of its geographic situation as a small, rural, island state -- this Essay offers evidence to suggest that these distinctions are of marginal importance compared to a more crucial contrast: New Zealand followed the pandemic containment ‘playbook’ to the letter while in the United States the Trump Administration departed from that playbook at every turn. Moreover, New Zealand’s response was centrally planned and tightly managed while the U.S. response was incoherent and de-centralized. The evidence thus strongly suggests that the tragic disparity between America’s COVID-19 performance and New Zealand’s is primarily due -- not to geography or happenstance -- but to a stark contrast in the pandemic response strategy adopted by New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern compared to that of President Trump. Leadership matters.
‘Parliament’ (2020) July Public Law 568–569
Jurisdiction: UK Abstract: Notes significant Parliamentary developments, including key provisions of the Coronavirus Act 2020; the approval of a House of Commons motion to allow Parliamentary procedures to be conducted in a hybrid form due to the coronavirus pandemic; and the holding of the first virtual Prime Minister’s Question Time.
Parmet, Wendy E, ‘The COVID Cases: A Preliminary Assessment of Judicial Review of Public Health Powers During a Partisan and Polarized Pandemic’ (2021) San Diego Law Review (forthcoming) Abstract: What powers do states have to protect the public from a public health emergency? For most of the last 100 years, the protracted and robust debate about that question has been largely hypothetical. Although courts had occasion to assess the scope of state public health powers in cases concerning HIV, measles, vaping, and Ebola, to offer just a few examples, until COVID-19, no court in the past century had to determine the full reach of state public health emergency powers during a widespread and highly lethal pandemic. Nor had any court been asked to reconcile contemporary understandings of constitutional rights with the states’ need to protect its residents from such a pandemic.In the spring of 2020, numerous state and local courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, were presented with just those challenges. As cases of COVID-19 spiked in many American communities, governors and local officials across the country used their emergency powers to impose a range of social distancing orders (SDOs), shuttering businesses, restricting religious services, requiring the wearing of masks, and banning nonessential medical services, all in an effort to ‘flatten the curve.’ Although the vast majority of the public supported these measures, at least initially, numerous litigants went to court seeking to enjoin SDOs. They did so against the backdrop of an increasingly polarized reaction to the pandemic, with President Trump, who had promoted social distancing in March, tweeting in April for the liberation of states as armed protesters shut down the Michigan legislature. Meanwhile, false and misleading information about COVID-19 and potential policy responses spread wildly across social media, some of it amplified by the President himself.Protests, polarization, and misinformation: these formed the environment in which state and federal courts confronted the initial wave of constitutional challenges to COVID-19 SDOs. In deciding those claims, and in the absence of significant contemporary precedent, most courts looked to the Supreme Court’s 1905 decision in Jacobson v. Massachusetts. A complex and multifaceted decision, Jacobson has been cited frequently in the 115 years since it was decided. But never before had it been used so prominently to decide the constitutionality of broad state SDOs in the midst of a pandemic. And never before had it been relied upon to such an extent in such a lethal, partisan, and heated moment.How did the courts respond to the initial wave of litigation? This Article offers some preliminary observations by examining court opinions published in Westlaw reviewing abortion, free speech, and free exercise claims that cited to Jacobson between March 21 and May 29, 2020, when the Supreme Court handed down its first COVID-19 opinions. This examination shows that although lower courts offered different interpretations of Jacobson, all accepted the importance of the state’s interest in protecting the public’s health. Moreover, no court questioned the seriousness of the pandemic; nor did any adopt the misleading information about the pandemic that was widely available on social media.Nevertheless, at least until May 29, when Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh issued concurring and dissenting opinions respectively accompanying the Supreme Court’s refusal to block the application of California’s social distancing order to religious services, the lower courts diverged over how to reconcile the deference that Jacobson accords to public health authorities with the protection of fundamental constitutional rights. Further, while factual distinctions regarding state-specific SDOs likely help explain some of the different outcomes, the shifting nature of the claims and the evolving politics around SDOs may also have played a role, raising critical questions as to how courts may respond should states impose new SDOs either in response to a ‘second wave’ of COVID-19 or a future pandemic.
Parmet, Wendy E, ‘From Deference to Indifference: Judicial Review of the Scope of Public Health Authority During the COVID-19 Pandemic’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper No 4892248, 14 June 2024) Abstract: For most of American history, courts have granted public health officials significant deference in construing the scope of their own authority. This changed during the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in the federal courts, where deference was replaced with skepticism as courts used the major questions doctrine to narrow the scope of public health powers. This Article examines this development and considers its implications for public health. Part II begins by recounting the long history of judicial deference to officials’ determination of the scope of their public health powers. Part III notes some of the problems with such deference and the pre-pandemic cases that presaged its decline. Part IV looks at how state and federal courts analyzed challenges to officials’ scope of authority during the pandemic. Although most courts upheld most uses of public health powers during the pandemic, many courts, including the Supreme Court under the guise of the major questions doctrine, replaced deference with deep skepticism of expertise and indifference to the public health effects of their decisions. Part V considers the implications of this development for the government’s capacity to respond to new health threats and argues, paradoxically, that the decline of deference to agency determinations of the scope of their authority may be more dangerous to health than the denial of deference to agency fact-finding in particular cases.
Parmet, Wendy E and Faith Khalik, ‘Judicial Review of Public Health Powers Since the Start of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Trends and Implications’ (2023) 113(3) American Journal of Public Health 280–287 Abstract: During the COVID-19 pandemic, officials in the United States at all levels of government utilized their legal authorities to impose a wide range of measures designed to control the spread of SARS-CoV-2 (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2; the causative agent of COVID-19), including shutting down businesses, limiting the size of gatherings, requiring masking, and mandating vaccination. These orders and regulations were challenged in court cases that resulted in more than 1000 judicial decisions. Common claims were based on alleged procedural and substantive due process violations, violations of religious liberty, and violations of officials’ scope of authority. In more than three fourths of the decisions, the court refused to grant the plaintiffs the relief sought. However, plaintiffs found success in several notable cases, especially in federal court. These recent decisions, as well as broader prepandemic trends, have important implications for public health officials’ exercise of their public health powers, especially when those exercises implicate religious liberty. In this legal environment, officials may need to rely more on the powers of persuasion than on their legal authority alone.
Parmet, Wendy E et al, ‘COVID-19: The Promise and Failure of Law in an Inequitable Nation’ (2021) 111(1) American Journal of Public Health 47–49
Parmet, Wendy E and Michael S Sinha, ‘Covid-19: The Law and Limits of Quarantine’ (2020) 382(15) New England Journal of Medicine e28 Extract from Introduction: As Covid-19 spreads around the globe, governments have imposed quarantines and travel bans on an unprecedented scale. China locked down whole cities, and Italy has imposed draconian restrictions throughout the country. In the United States, thousands of people have been subjected to legally enforceable quarantines or are in ‘self-quarantine.’ The federal government has also banned entry by non–U.S. nationals traveling from China, Iran, and most of Europe and is screening passengers returning from heavily affected countries. Still, the numbers of cases and deaths continue to rise. Quarantines and travel bans are often the first response against new infectious diseases. However, these old tools are usually of limited utility for highly transmissible diseases, and if imposed with too heavy a hand, or in too haphazard a manner, they can be counterproductive. With a virus such as SARS-CoV-2, they cannot provide a sufficient response. In public health practice, ‘quarantine’ refers to the separation of persons (or communities) who have been exposed to an infectious disease. ‘Isolation,’ in contrast, applies to the separation of persons who are known to be infected. In U.S. law, however, ‘quarantine’ often refers to both types of interventions, as well as to limits on travel. Isolation and quarantine can be voluntary or imposed by law.
Parpworth, Neil, ‘The Coronavirus Act 2020’ (2020) 170(7881) New Law Journal 7–9 Abstract: Outlines the emergency powers contained in the Coronavirus Act 2020 Sch.21. Considers the powers in relation to ‘potentially infectious persons’, including screening, assessment, and detention, the duration of the transmission control period, the right of appeal, and the responsibilities of adults in relation to children.
Pati, Umi Khaerah, ‘Indonesian Government Policy in Mitigating Economic Risks Due to the Impact of the Covid-19 Outbreak’ (2020) 1(4) Journal of Law and Legal Reform 577–590 Abstract: Covid-19 pandemic have a negative impact on economies globally, including in Indonesia. The disease is advancing at great speed since the first Indonesian patient was referred to the hospital due to confirmed covid-19 (26 February 2020) until on 15 June 2019 there have been 50,187 patients infected. Several government policies have been implemented by regarding the economic sector as a main concern to prevent the breaking of the Indonesian economic chain. To anticipate, March 31, 2020 Indonesian President signed Government Regulation No. 21 of 2020, which regulates the implementation of PSBB (Large-Scale Social Restrictions), yet economic growth in the first quarter of 2020 showed a declining performance at 2.97 percent on 17 April 2020. Bank Indonesia views the level of the Rupiah exchange rate as fundamentally ‘undervalued’. The objective of this paper is, therefore, to overview the negative impact of the covid-19 outbreak on the Indonesian economy and the policies implemented by the government to mitigate the economic risks. Moreover this article is a normative economic analysis on the basis of secondary data, this study found that Indonesia is facing up an economic domino effect of covid-19 and Bank of Indonesia (BI) has taken several steps by strengthens policy coordination with the government and other authorities to stabilize the rupiah exchange rate and mitigate the impact of Covid-19 risk on the domestic economy.
Paton, Calum, ‘World-Beating? Testing Britain’s Covid Response and Tracing the Explanation’ (2020) Health Economics, Policy and Law (advance article, published 19 August 2020) Abstract: The UK, and England in particular, has suffered egregiously poor outcomes in managing the Covid-19 pandemic. This short perspective points to the explanation in terms of both current British politics and the public health policy inheritance. Boris Johnson’s Premiership was born in an opportunistic assertion of British exceptionalism, and Johnson’s initial, fate-tempting reaction to the novel Coronavirus set the UK on the wrong path. Furthermore, the gradual erosion of professionalism in (especially health) policy-making over almost four decades, and the hollowing-out of the health protection infrastructure, both facilitated and accentuated a toxic approach to managing Covid-19.
Patterson, Amy S and Emmanuel Balogun, ‘African Responses to COVID-19: The Reckoning of Agency?’ (2021) 64(1) African Studies Review 144–167 Abstract: Although the COVID-19 pandemic had claimed over one million lives globally by late 2020, Africa had avoided a massive outbreak. Patterson and Balogun analyze pandemic responses by the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention and various states collaborating with civil society. They argue that responses display forms of agency rooted in contextually relevant expertise, pan-African solidarity, and lessons learned about health messaging and community mobilization from previous health crises. Yet collaboration has not always been harmonious, as actors have adopted various approaches in their interactions with global health institutions and civil society partnerships, and they have actively debated the use of traditional medicine as a COVID-19 treatment.
Pearce, Neil et al, ‘Accurate Statistics on COVID-19 Are Essential for Policy Guidance and Decisions’ (2020) 110(7) American Journal of Public Health 949–951 Abstract: Disease surveillance forms the basis for response to epidemics. COVID-19 provides a modern example of why the classic mantra of ‘person, place, and time’ remains crucial: epidemic control requires knowing trends in disease frequency in different subgroups and locations. We review key epidemiological concepts and discuss some of the preventable methodologic errors that have arisen in reporting on the COVID-19 crisis.
Penssel, Renate, 'Germany's Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Review of the Main Legal Sources, Their Application and Legal Questions Deriving Therefrom' (2020) 7(1) Jus et Civitas: A Journal of Social and Legal Studies 1-12 Abstract: The Federal Republic of Germany and its Lander responded to the uncontrolled spread of COVID-19 in March 2020 by ordering the most severe encroachments on fundamental rights in their previous history (like the prohibition of all events and gatherings of people, the closure of community and recreational facilities, of gastronomy and most shops, partially even a general curfew). The debate about the legality of these measures lead to a parliamentary reversion of their legal basis, the general clause for measures to fight an infectious disease, included in the "Protection against Infection Act". This article examines how this general clause and other provisions in German law have been developed and applied during the course of the crisis in order to obtain control over the spread of COIVD-19. It reflects the conformity of these developments and application with the requirements of the German constitution (especially with the guarantee of fundamental rights, the rule of law and the requirement of democratic legitimation) and documents, how they have been reviewed by jurisdiction up to now.
Perini, Pietro de, Paolo De Stefani and Marco Mascia, ‘The Effects of COVID-19 on the EU Approach on the Rule of Law: Implications for the Commission and European Parliament’ in Gerd Oberleitner et al (eds), European Yearbook on Human Rights 2021 (Intersentia, 2021) 109–136 Abstract: The outbreak of COVID-19 in Europe has significantly affected European Union (EU, the Union) policy-making in a wealth of policy areas, partly altering the perception of policy priorities and the role of the EU in the scenario depicted by the crisis. This contribution aims to grasp the salience of COVID-19’s effects in the context of the EU commitment to developing tools and procedures to address the ongoing rule of law crisis in some Member States and prevent future violations. Based on a content analysis of a wealth of public documents adopted by EU institutions from the beginning of the crisis, this contribution argues that the spread of COVID-19, namely, the unprecedented way in which the crisis has exposed the fragility of all EU values, has produced two specific consequences on the overall EU effort to uphold the rule of law (RoL). The first was urging all EU institutions and the majority of Member States to eventually converge to deliver without delay or obstructionism on pledged measures. The second was the beginning of a shiftin the Commission’s overall strategy to enhance European resilience vis-à-vis this crisis: from the primacy of the RoL as an ‘umbrella principle’ related to, but eventually subsuming other key EU values, to a more balanced, cooperative and comprehensive approach, where diverse monitoring and protection initiatives on the RoL, democracy and fundamental rights mutually complement each other. Despite these changes, however, the Commission’s approach remains significantly distinct and distant from that proposed by the European Parliament (EP), weakening the potential of the newly adopted tools.
Persad, Govind, ‘Tailoring Public Health Policies’ (2021) American Journal of Law and Medicine (forthcoming) Abstract: In an effort to contain the spread of COVID-19, many states and countries have adopted public health restrictions on activities previously considered commonplace: crossing state borders, eating indoors, and gathering together. These policies often focus on specific activities or groups, rather than imposing the same limits across the board. In this Article, I consider the law and ethics of these policies, which I call tailored policies. In Part I, I identify two types of tailored policies: activity-based and group-based. Activity-based restrictions respond to differences in the risks and benefits of specific activities, such as walking outdoors and dining indoors. Group-based restrictions consider differences between groups with respect to risk and benefit: examples are policies that treat children or senior citizens differently, policies that require travelers to quarantine when traveling to a new destination, and policies that treat individuals differently based on whether they have COVID-19 symptoms, have tested positive for COVID-19, have previous COVID-19 infection, or have been vaccinated against COVID-19.In Part II, I consider the public health law grounding of tailored policies in the principles of ‘least restrictive means’ and ‘well-targeting.’ I also examine how courts have analyzed tailored policies that have been challenged on fundamental rights or equal protection grounds. I argue that fundamental rights analyses typically favor tailored policies, and that equal protection does not preclude the use of tailored policies even when imperfectly crafted. In Part III, I consider three critiques of tailored policies, centering on the claims that they produce inequity, cause harm, or unacceptably limit liberty. I argue that we must evaluate restrictions comparatively: the question is not whether tailored policies are perfectly equitable, perfectly prevent harm, or completely protect liberty, but whether they are better than untailored ones at realizing these goals in a pandemic. I also argue that evaluation must consider indirect harms and benefits as well as direct and apparent ones.
Pesutto, John, ‘New Strategy, New Voices: Time to Change Victoria’s Crisis Approach’ (Melbourne School of Government, University of Melbourne, Governing During Crises No Policy Brief No 5, 10 August 2020) Key Points: This Policy Brief makes the following central points: (a) Daily appearances by a single political leader, with or without senior officials by that leader’s side, may be viewed as serving one of the cardinal principles of crisis management. However, we might consider whether the Victorian Premier’s strategy of appearing daily is working. (b) There is a risk that any head of government, who is always going to be understandably political, may not be able to sustain the unusually high levels of public faith – that we see at the beginning of many crises – for any extended period of time. (c) Ballooning COVID-19 cases raise issues about whether the Government is hearing internally from all the voices it should be heeding and whether other people need to be brought into the room.
Petrov, Jan, ‘The COVID-19 Emergency in the Age of Executive Aggrandizement: What Role for Legislative and Judicial Checks?’ (2020) 8(1–2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 71–92 Abstract: Extraordinary limitation of certain fundamental rights seems necessary in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. Many countries have declared a state of emergency for that purpose. Yet, there is also a risk of misusing the emergency for power grabbing, especially in the current era of executive aggrandizement, democratic decay and abusive populist constitutionalism. In this setting the legislative and judicial checks on the executive create a dilemma. Their standard operation in the state of emergency could control the executive, but might also impair its capacity to fight the pandemic effectively. This article therefore focuses on the desired role of the legislature and the judiciary in COVID-19 emergencies. Although many constitutions address emergencies, they are often vague and leave considerable room for the involved actors themselves to adjust their behaviour. This article asks how parliaments and courts should use this de facto room. I argue that they should show some deference to the executive, its level depending on the stage and severity of the crisis, but should not clear the field for governments. They must modify their activities but not suspend them. My main argument is that the deliberative and scrutiny functions of the legislature and the dispute-resolution function of courts are crucial not only for preventing the abuse of emergency measures, but also for increasing the effectiveness of emergency measures by improving conditions necessary for compliance. The legislature and courts can contribute to the higher feasibility and legitimacy of the emergency measures and thereby increase voluntary compliance, which is crucial for tackling the spread of the new coronavirus. The article illustrates these issues by way of the case study of the Czech Republic – a country experiencing its first nationwide state of emergency amid tendencies towards democratic decay and managerial populism.
Phymma, Marfin Timu Apy, Rina Shahriyani Shahrullah and Lu Sudirman, ‘Handling the Covid-19 Pandemic in Indonesia and India: A Critical Flashback in 2020’ (2022) 7(1) Journal of Law and Policy Transformation 28–43 Abstract: The Covid-19 pandemic is one of the most common pandemics in contemporary history. The preparedness of a country is also determined by how well it is able to reduce the rate of spread, the fatality rate, the ability to handle infected patients, as well as from the capacity to mobilize and manage resources appropriately to deal with crises and their impacts. This study attempts to compare the approaches of Indonesia and India in handling the Corona Virus Diseases (Covid-19) pandemic in 2020. This study adopts a qualitative research approach by using secondary data which are collected from the printed and electronic media related to Covid-19 in Indonesia and India. It was found that India implemented a total lockdown until September 2020 because the number of positive cases of COVID-19 in India reached more than 4.7 million with a death toll of more than 78 thousand people. Meanwhile, Indonesia did not implement a total lockdown. It adopted the Large-Scale Social Restrictions (LSSR). Although it succeeded in temporarily suppressing the spread of Covid, the LSSR was considered not effective enough. Similar challenges were faced by India which chose to lock down the country. Despite being able to temporarily suppress the rate of Covid-19, the sudden implementation of a regional quarantine and minimal preparation created a humanitarian crisis.
Pierre, Jon, ‘Nudges against Pandemics: Sweden’s COVID-19 Containment Strategy in Perspective’ (2020) 39(3) Policy and Society 478–493 Abstract: Sweden’s strategy to contain the COVID-19 pandemic stands out internationally as more liberal in terms of not ordering a complete lockdown of society. Sweden kept its primary schools, daycare centers and industries largely open. The government financially supported furloughed workers and increased its support to regional and local governments delivering healthcare and elderly care. However, the death toll in Sweden which passed 4000 by late May 2020 stands in stark contrast to those of other, comparable countries, raising questions about the design of the strategy, and its appropriateness. The paper argues that key assumptions sustaining the strategy, for instance that symptom-free people do not carry, and cannot transmit the Coronavirus, or that local and regional government staff had the necessary training and equipment to tackle the pandemic, along with problems associated with coordinating a decentralized healthcare system, may explain the poor performance of the Swedish containment strategy.
Pila, Justine, ‘Covid-19 and Contact Tracing: A Study in Regulation by Technology’ (2020) 11(2) EJLT: European Journal of Law and Technology_ _Abstract: A common theme of regulatory responses to Covid-19 has been the use of technology: in attempts to map the virus and its transmission, relax lockdowns and restart economies, and search for a vaccine to end the pandemic, technologies have held centre stage. Using the example of contact tracing, this Comment considers the significance of states’ reliance on technologies to achieve their regulatory objectives and some of the issues it raises. While most of the discussion around contact tracing systems has focused on privacy and data protection, their use also has wider implications for individuals and communities, particularly in the case of mobile apps. These concern legality, moral responsibility and community, autonomy, and democracy, which even expansive conceptions of privacy and data protection may not fully accommodate.
Pinheiro, Victor Marcel, Marcelo Ilarraz and Melissa Terni Mestriner, ‘The Impacts of the COVID-19 Crisis on the Brazilian Legal System: A Report on the Functioning of the Branches of the Government and on the Legal Scrutiny of Their Activities’ (2020) 8(1–2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 193–212 Abstract: The article aims to describe and examine the different responses to the current Covid-19 crisis taken by the top offices of political Branches in Brazil: federal executive, National Congress and the Supreme Court. The article will show that state-level officials took most public health actions in Brazil, what gave rise to a clash between the President and Governors about who has authority to decide about public health measures. The federal executive, so far, has been more concerned with the economic responses to the imminent mass unemployment and household crisis. The National Congress has adapted its deliberation operations moving to a ‘remote deliberation system’, with extremely short deadlines and not exclusively related to covid-19 issues. In practice, this has made almost daily debate and deliberation on both Chambers Floor possible about dozens of measures, which will be briefly described in the paper. Notwithstanding the unprecedented technological innovation, there is still room for improvement. The Brazilian Supreme Court has also taken important decisions in the current situation. The decisions restricted the federal executive authority to deal with the crisis: the Court ruled that Federal Law n° 13.979/2020 cannot restrain state and municipal authorities from adopting public health policies against the virus spreading; the federal executive cannot reduce the publicity of administrative acts during the crisis and it is prohibited from instructing or advertising the population against scientifically agreed measures as quarantines and shutdowns. This background shows that the responses to the coronavirus crisis in Brazil have been fragmented and institutionally disperse. One cannot point out a single, exclusive institution responsible for the public health responses to the current crisis in Brazil.
Piotrowski, Ryszard, ‘Between Necessity and Constitutionality. Evaluating Covid-Related Legislation in Poland’ in Edyta Hadrowicz (ed), Polish Entrepreneurial Law in the Era of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Problems and Challenges (Springer, 2024) 21–34 Abstract: The pandemic encourages authoritarian arrangements that restrict basic rights. The Constitution of Poland allows for restricting the rights of the individual, both in normal times, when such restrictions come as ordinary constitutional measures, and, where these measures fail, also in state of emergency. The COVID-19 legislation provides an example of constitutional circumvention: while no state of natural disaster was actually imposed, the legal arrangements were being introduced which could only be acceptable under such state. The authorities introduced a peculiar state of pandemic which served as a vehicle to push for changes that otherwise would, probably, have not been adopted so easily and so effectively.
Podgorzanska, Renata, ‘Management of the COVID-19 Pandemic Crisis at the Local Level: The Case of Szczecin’ (2021) 24 (Special Issue 4) European Research Studies Journal 206–216 Abstract: The aim of this paper is to describe the case of pandemic crisis management on the basis of an analysis of plans and actions of the local government of the city of Szczecin during the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis was supplemented by a description of the context of functioning of the city in the political, social and economic dimension. Local authorities have played a significant role in efforts to impede and counteract the pandemic. Their activity brought support to actions carried out by the central government. However, as seen in the epidemic practice, measures intended to counteract and stop the spread of SARS-CoV-2 entailed restrictions that determined the functioning and the life of residents and required unprecedented actions.
Popadić, Sofija Nikolić, Marko Milenković and Marta Sjeničić, ‘The Covid-19 Epidemic in Serbia: the Challenges of Finding an Appropriate Basis for Responding to a Health Crisis’ (2021) 14(2) Medicine, Law & Society 229–246 Abstract: The World Health Organization declared the Covid-19 pandemic on 11 March, 2020. Serbia declared a State of Emergency (SoE) on 15 March, just days after the country’s first official case, part of an unprecedented global wave of emergency responses, with states reacting differently to the threat of the virus. Decision makers in Serbia opted to declare a SoE, followed by a series of governmental decrees and ministerial orders. This paper examines the Serbian government’s initial response. The legislation in force in March 2020 is analysed to explore what possibilities and instruments could have been used, with particular focus on legislation regarding infectious diseases and disaster responses, which allowed for the declaration of an emergency situation, and the introduction of legitimate restrictions to fight the outbreak. The paper concludes that the full potential of all available measures and instruments was not exhausted, especially regarding legislation relating to an emergency situation.
Popelier, Patricia, ‘COVID-19 Legislation in Belgium at the Crossroads of a Political and a Health Crisis’ (2020) 8(1–2) The Theory and Practice of Legislation 131–153 Abstract: This paper discusses the corona virus crisis legislation in Belgium, against the background of a political crisis. It raises the questions how a minority government could find legitimacy to take drastic measures that impact upon fundamental rights and how the political crisis impacted the position of Parliament. This is examined from the viewpoint of input, throughput and output legitimacy, and with a comparison to the position of Parliament in Belgium during earlier crises and in the federated entities. The conclusions point to the increased importance of expert advice, an over-use of ministerial police powers, but also to a more important role for Parliament than what we could have expected under the reign of a majority government. While the political crisis did not hinder firm intervention in an initial phase, it is, however, problematic to deal with the effects of the crisis over the longer term.
Popelier, Patricia et al, ‘Health Crisis Measures and Standards for Fair Decision-Making: A Normative and Empirical-Based Account of the Interplay Between Science, Politics and Courts’ (2021) 12(3) European Journal of Risk Regulation 618–643 Abstract: This paper examines, in the light of the COVID-19 crisis, the room for judicial oversight of health crisis measures based on the public’s expectations of how governments should act in the interplay with experts. The paper explains how trust theory and procedural rationality review help to address concerns related to legitimacy and expertise. The paper argues that courts should distinguish between two stages. In the initial stage, fear as a driver for government support based on expertise justifies that the proportionality test is limited to the question of whether measures were based on virologist expert advice. In the next stage, people expect the government to take expert-informed decisions, but also require that the government takes into account societal needs. Procedural rationality review in this stage demands that courts examine whether the decision was based on an informed balance of rights and interests.
Porcher, Simon, ‘“Contagion”: The Determinants of Governments’ Public Health Responses to COVID-19 All around the World’ (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3581764, 21 April 2020) Abstract: To respond to the COVID-19 outbreak, governments all around the world have implemented public health measures that have resulted in different policies to contain the spread of the virus and to support the economy. These measures include travel restrictions, bans on mass gatherings, school closures and domestic lockdowns, among others. This paper presents a unique dataset of governments’ responses to COVID-19. The dataset codes the policy interventions with their dates at the country level for more than 180 countries. To facilitate cross-country and cross-time comparisons, the paper builds on different measures to create an index of the rigidity of governments’ responses to COVID-19. The index shows that responses to the pandemic vary across countries and across time. The paper also investigates the determinants of governments’ public health responses by focusing on the timing of contamination, the health risk of the population and health quality.
Pospelova, Svetlana I, ‘Violation Liability in the Context of the Spread of COVID-19: Russian Experience’ (2020) 27(4) Journal of law and Medicine 877 Abstract: The article investigates the legal regime of restrictive measures introduced in Russia due to the COVID-19 pandemic and provides statistical data on the spread of the infection. It describes special administrative violations and criminal offences first introduced during the pandemic: violation of therapeutic and epidemiological rules, dissemination of false information, and failure to follow the procedures introduced during the high-alert regime. Judicial and investigative practice is analysed. The most frequent violations of the legislation establishing requirements and restrictions to organisations and individuals during the spread of the new coronavirus infection are identified and issues of classification and differentiation of administrative and criminal liability for violation of sanitary and epidemiological rules and dissemination of false information about COVID-19 are addressed. Judgments by the Russian Supreme Court ensuring a uniform approach to court cases in all Russian regions are analysed.
Powell, Catherine, ‘The “War” Against Covid and Our Post-Pandemic Future: Warfare and Its Discontents’ (Fordham Law Legal Studies Research Paper No 4074967, 4 April 2022) Abstract: This essay analyzes the wartime framing of ‘fighting’ a wa